Reaping the Rewards

ANURAG YADAV HAS missed school due to a pain in his neck and is a lone presence on the approach to the village of Rampur Lala in Deoria district, a little more than an hour from Gorakhpur. A confident kid, he shares that he attends a private school that costs more, since unlike students in government schools, textbooks need to be purchased. But the Class 6 student says he likes school and de­nies missed schoolwork might be the reason for his not being in class. Asked about the way to the Dalit quarter of the village, it takes him a little time to figure out the query till it is reframed in terms of Jatav homes, readily leading the way to a sprawl of 35-40 houses. The residents are initially hesitant to discuss the forthcoming election and refer questions to former village prad­han Chanda Devi who also wonders at the midday intrusion but agrees to sit down and talk about how the village has fared.

In front of Devi’s house is a newly fitted tap and the village’s narrow pathways bear evidence of fresh digging to lay water sup­ply pipes that connect to all the residences. “A water tank is being constructed nearby and should be ready soon. It will bring water to all the houses here,” Devi says. Asked about the source of the water, she says a borewell has been sunk—a steady supply is available at depths of 400-500 feet—and will be pumped to the overhead tank. Asked about the loyalty of Jatavs, the caste she and other Dalits here belong to, for the ‘elephant’ symbol of the Ba­hujan Samaj Party (BSP), she agrees this has been the case in the past. She is not so forth­coming about the current election where BSP’s campaign pres­ence seems to be flagging. The polling here is due on June 1 and maybe it is a little early for electioneering to reach this part of the district, she reasons. Her son Narsingh, who has been watching from the window of his shop, comes over and joins the conver­sation. He points to improvements in living conditions, saying the law and order situation, which used to be uncertain, is much better. Chanda Devi and other women gathered around nod in agreement. “Yes, there is no fear now. People feel safe,” she says. Narsingh says the response to the police emergency number is quick and usually the police try to see if a dispute can be resolved. But if differences linger or a criminal case is made out, an FIR is duly registered. The case is the same with the ambulance service, with calls to a dedicated number not only responded to but fol­lowed by inquiries whether the emergency services reached and transported the patient to hospital.

Narsingh and other residents of the Dalit quarter say they will make up their minds closer to election day, with discussions with­in the community and the views of the current pradhan taken into account as well. But they may consider the Modi sarkar’s performance in light of less well-off sections getting facilities like cooking gas, rations, the annual `6,000 farmer’s stipend and services like assured electricity. The ‘ration galla (free wheat)’ is distributed without hitches, and this along with the produce from family farms, takes care of a household’s requirements and even extended families. “We have to see who has worked for the poor,” says one of those gathered. The conversation turns to the consecration of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya and evokes unhesi­tant approval. “This is a good thing that happened. The mandir is important to the entire Hindu samaj which was waiting for a long time,” says Narsingh. Though Dalits here have been BSP voters, efforts to present the mandir as an upper-caste project appear to have passed them by. The fly in the oint­ment amid a general sense of well-being is the Sahara chit fund case where lakhs of investors, many of them low-wage earn­ers, were left high and dry after the scheme collapsed amid scandal and ignominy. The return of funds has been slow even though claimants have filed applications at the teh­sil office seeking reparation.

It is time to leave the village as Anurag leads the way out having been a silent listener all along. The newly laid water supply pipes can be seen to complement drain water channels that do not allow waste water to accumulate. The pathways are clean and though almost every house has cat­tle, the animal sheds are clean and the cows and buffaloes are in good health. Anurag’s house, which has the name ‘Kailash Yadav’ written on it, is soon reached and he says his mother will take him to a doctor to get some medicines after the heat subsides. The sun has climbed high in the sky and the indoor shade brings welcome relief. Just outside the village, Ramdev Yadav is supervising the efforts of two men cutting down a large branch of a tree that is obstructing the growth of crops around it. It takes a little persuasion but he reveals his preference for the Samajwadi Party (SP)-Congress alliance and says the fight in Deoria is tight. The men sawing the tree are Rajbhars, listed as Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in the Central and most state reservation lists, and are not so sure. Though they do not give full voice to their disagreement, they say the poor have benefitted. “People are likely to consider the work that has been done rather than promises that may never be fulfilled,” says Nand while his fellow labourer agrees.

Like Rampur Lala, the village of Dumari lies a few kilometres off the Gorakhpur-Deoria road, but is much bigger with a few hun­dred houses. Ajay Kushwaha, who studies at a nearby Industrial Training Institute (ITI), is returning with Najim, a municipal em­ployee, riding pillion. As he stops to talk, he is soon joined by other village residents, including the local school teacher Wahid. Najim says the village is part of the nagar palika (municipal council) and has been allotted a ward number. He feels the status of the village has risen and cleanliness programmes are making a difference and points out that there is a facility for in-situ disposal of waste water, which was not the case before. Wahid is critical of the Union gov­ernment and is unhappy with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s speech on Muslim quotas while campaigning in Rajasthan. He had not seen Modi’s more recent television interview denying having made the references and asserting he does not want the election campaign to run along communal lines. Even so, Wahid agrees Dumari has received a facelift. Ajay and some others from the Kushwaha community, who like the Rajbhars of Rampur Lala, are OBCs in most states, say that while schemes for housing, food security and banking were initiated by previous governments as well, the Modi government has added to and improved them. Ajay refers to the role of the Yogi Adityanath government too, saying, “Prashasan ne schemes ko tight kar diya hai (The administration has tightened the delivery of schemes).” The increased efficiency and improved coverage of the welfare net are showing results, cement­ing the loyalty of communities like Kushwahas that are instru­mental to the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) rise in Uttar Pradesh (UP). The roads leading to the village and within are concrete and Bichandi Kushwaha, who has joined the discussion, says the con­trast with the past is self-evident. Prior to the schoolteacher’s ar­rival, Najim ventured that a section of Muslims will support Modi and BJP, claiming the abolition of triple talaq (instant divorce) has helped prevent the break-up of families. The voting patterns of the community do not support Najim’s hopes and Wahid’s views seem more representative, indicating a preference for the I.N.D.I.A. bloc. Ranjana Kashyap is walking by with her children returning from school. Asked about her views, she is appreciative of the im­provements in the village and looks forward to the installation of water taps. But she complains at being overlooked for assistance under the PM Awas (housing) scheme and blames a previous councillor for the exclusion. She is receiving teacher’s training and is particularly pleased at the better law and order situation that allows her to get around without any bother.

In the village of Chamaran Purva, which is part of the Kaiserganj Lok Sabha seat, Jatav households are considering their options. A young couple expresses satisfaction with the government school their children attend. as per Adityanath’s decision, government schools offer English as a subject from the primary level and the children at Chamaran Purva show their reading texts for middle school and say teachers are regular and diligent

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Voter responses in Kaiserganj, Gonda, Deoria and Kushinagar indicate that BJP’s social coalition—that saw it record impres­sive victories in UP in the 2014 and 2019 Lok Sabha polls and the state Assembly elections of 2017 and 2022—is intact and may be strengthened by the party’s alliances and the view that the oppo­sition SP-Congress poll pledges are not feasible. The widely held view about Congress’ promise of a caste census and `1 lakh annual handouts to youth and women, even among voters opposed to BJP, is one of scepticism and doubt. There seems to be a growing awareness that profligate spending is unsustainable and will lead to debts that reduce resources for welfare. This is quite remarkable as the lure of freebies has been a powerful inducement in elections. A contributing factor to such promises losing their sheen might be greater faith in the Modi government’s schemes based on effective and transparent delivery. BJP’s alliances with the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD), Suheldev Bharatiya Samaj Party, Apna Dal (Soneylal) and the Nishad party are contributing to a convergence of votes and shoring the caste coalition that has expanded BJP’s reach well beyond the upper castes. There are constituency-specific factors, such as unhappiness with sitting BJP MPs who are accused of being inaccessible and intra-party equations. The presence of former SP leader Swami Prasad Maurya’s Rashtriya Soshit Samaj Party might cause some division in the Kushwaha vote, it is felt. Yet, as election day nears, the choice of voters is likely to become more concentrated, resulting in a sharp binary between BJP and SP-Congress in many places. SP’s appeal among Yadavs and Mus­lims remains strong and the party is the option for other voters who do not support BJP. But there is a lack of movement from BJP constituencies towards the opposition. The prevailing stasis in the opposition ranks and popular endorsement of Modi’s leadership is a ‘pull factor’ in favour of BJP rather than a TINA (there is no alternative) syndrome. In the 2019 election the 15 seats won by the SP-BSP alliance mapped the demography of its vote base. Both won in patches of northwest and eastern UP which have a higher Muslim population. This time round, BJP has the opportunity to further tighten its grip on the state.

The Kaiserganj constituency lies to the northeast of Lucknow and requires a sharp detour from the highway to Gorakhpur. The seat is in the news as it is represented by six-time BJP MP Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh, facing trial for alleged sexual misconduct against some of India’s top women wrestlers. Singh is not stand­ing but his son Karan Bhushan is and the campaign has made it to the national headlines. But for many of the constituency’s voters, Singh’s legal troubles and the charges levelled against him are not a factor. His record of being available to his constituents who hold him in good stead is aiding his cause. On the way to Nathanpur village, Hari Shankar Mishra, seated at a small tea and general store, is quick to complain about the state of the patchy, bumpy road. The road’s condition is indeed a surprise as most villages have good connectivity with concrete roads constructed as part of the PM Gram Sadak Yojana. His gripe is shared by others at the shop who are Vermas—in this case OBCs akin to Kurmis. At a time when SP boasted of important leaders from various castes, Beni Prasad Verma was regarded as an influential Kurmi leader and held cabinet posts in the United Front government. They, too, are upset by the road’s state of disrepair but remain, like Mishra, BJP supporters. Their views are shaped by the advantages of Union and state schemes and a reluctance to consider SP as they do not see the party aligned to their interests. “There is no discussion on the MP’s cases. There is no effect here,” says Mishra. Kamlesh Verma agrees and the talk moves on to other aspects of their lives, such as the better rates for wheat from private buyers and the less welcome effect of monsoon flooding. Rahul Yadav (name changed), who is visiting and sitting at the hutment ad­joining the shop, does not hesitate to announce his allegiance to SP although he does not appear to bear animus towards BJP. He has received a call to attend a meeting organised in support of Karan Bhushan and while he plans to go, he is not voting BJP. “See, Yadavs are with SP. This is as simple as that,” he says, adding that he does not want his name revealed. It is, of course, unlikely that any seasoned BJP leader would expect Yadavs to vote BJP but parties are clearly hunting for votes. Some way farther on, in the village of Chamaran Purva which falls in Gonda district but is part of the Kaiserganj Lok Sabha seat, Jatav households are considering their options. As evident elsewhere too, they are troubled by the perception that BSP is lagging and while not explicit about whether they will look elsewhere, a young couple speaks of regular rations under the public distribution system (PDS) and expresses satisfaction with the government school their children attend. As per Adityanath’s decision, government schools offer English as a subject from the primary level and the children at Chamaran Purva show their reading texts for middle school and say teachers are regular and diligent.

The road from Deoria to Kushinagar leads to the Ramabhar Stupa that marks the spot where the Buddha was cremated. A site of considerable reverence for the Buddhist world, its nearby areas have been developed with Buddhist temples built by the govern­ment and Sanghas from Thailand, Vietnam, Japan and China. The stretch of road has become a tourist attraction with charters regularly flying into the Kushinagar airport. Members of the Thai ruling family arrive every year in February for elaborate rituals at the temple which contains a relic of the Buddha. The buzz qui­etens as the road winds past the temple mile. Nearby villages like Batrauli have a contented air despite some grouses. Mewati Devi is a senior citizen and unhappy about the cost of medicines, saying the Ayushman scheme covers hospitalisation but not regular ailments. Zebunissa feels development has received a boost, but argues the schemes were initiated by the previous SP government. The rest of the assembly does not have any substantial complaints and most of them, Patels or Kurmis by caste, are supportive of BJP. Going by the weight of opinion, BJP looks set to retain its domi­nance over eastern UP’s political landscape.

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Rajeev Deshpande

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