On Top of His Game

EARLY IN MARCH THIS YEAR, PRIME MINISTER NARENDRA MODI interacted with some of the country’s top-notch digital influencers at an award ceremony held at Bharat Mandapam in New Delhi. He asked them to tap their sway to spread awareness about certain social objectives that include fitness, the importance of sleep, local products, and so on, in addition to their speciali­sations that ranged from political podcasts to travel. His reasoning was, to bor­row the expression martial arts icon Bruce Lee had used to describe his style of fighting, simple and total—which is that the online medium has excelled print and other avenues as the indisputable tool for quick and consummate dissemination of information to the masses, especially in India, home to the second-highest number of Internet users in the world at 78 crore, more than twice the population of the US. His goal was to make the most of their appeal among people and for them to be the force multiplier for his grand makeover of India, rather than throwing his weight behind archaic purveyors of theories masquerading as academics.

That Modi is apprised of the power of the Internet and social media much more than any Indian politician—and perhaps even abroad—is a given. After all, he was the first among prominent politi­cians to bypass the media and embrace social media, especially out of necessity, which they say is the mother of invention. Demonised by the legacy media for almost 10 years from 2002, he had found redemption in what would soon become the finest communication tool so far to speak directly to the people and be his own messenger. In short, the campaign spearhead of the ruling BJP knows only too well about the infinite potential of social media and technology, having battened down the hatches and navigated a toxic and concerted campaign targeted at him in the media for far too long until the rules of engagement changed and gave him an edge in a country where he is seeking a third term as prime minister. The ongoing seven-phased poll has a voter base of close to 97 crore, making it higher than the combined population of 27 European Union member states. Of these, 1.8 crore people are first-time voters, and 19.7 crore in their 20s.

Without an iota of doubt, digital media has overtaken print media as the go-to medium for elec­tion publicity this time round thanks to a massive shift from traditional reference points, a knowl­edge that had dawned upon Modi much earlier. People are taking their cultural cues and keeping themselves abreast of local as well as global developments not exactly from traditional fronts, but, in fact, from alternative sources of information. This shift is driven by a raft of reasons. Polarised polity is one. When even truths and validity are contested, when ‘facts’ and ‘alternative facts’ enjoy respectability among mutually antagonistic groups, what is knowledge itself has become a source of dispute. In this context, people do not want to be dependent on the ‘respected’ and ‘storied’ reposi­tories of information because they suffer from trust deficits. And for all the scorn heaped by so-called intellectuals on YouTube, Instagram, X (formerly Twitter), and other online platforms populated by a large chunk of the country’s population, a growing section of people are falling back on posts, videos, shorts, stories and reels from such new sources that they believe are authentic and exemplify the democratisation of the information order. This trend is being powered by technological break­throughs that include increasingly sophisticated smartphones, cheaper data, faster connectivity, and a plethora of other factors.

Modi, who is technology-savvy and has a knack for gauging trends, routinely leverages his monstrously huge social media reach to launch government schemes and touch base with peo­ple, both the common man and the high and mighty. He also has an ear to the ground and is quick to tap into opportunities to bridge the connection between himself and the citizens. At the New Delhi ceremony with digital influencers, the medium became the message as the prime minister stood face-to-face with whom he believes are opinion leaders, an engagement that has become a habit for him for a while now. Among those he met that day was popular podcaster Ranveer Allahbadia, also known as Beer Biceps (with seven million subscribers on YouTube, he often does interviews with well-known politicians and celebri­ties). Others included Shraddha Jain, RJ Raunac, Janhvi Singh, Kabita Singh, Pankti Pandey, Keerthika Govindasamy, Maithili Thakur, Gaurav Chaudhary, Ankit Baiyanpuria, Naman Deshmukh and Kamiya Jani.

Ironically, a section of academia has woken up to this new reality while many others haven’t. A paper published by the University of Michigan and co-authored by Sarah Khan, Rudransh Mukherjee, Joyojeet Pal titled ‘Influencer Collabora­tion on YouTube: Changing Political Outreach in the 2024 Indian Elections’ brings to the fore the new trend that had come under Modi’s radar much earlier. It highlights that in India, which has the world’s largest YouTube subscriber base with 462 million users, the digital platform is central to brand-building. The re­port avers that several influencers boast larger viewership than mainstream media networks and boast the ability to dramati­cally influence the prospects of a product or service that gets featured on them.

The paper, published in January this year, notes that of the five most-viewed interviews, three are from the channel of Allahbadia, or Beer Biceps. “The top five, in order are Beer Bi­ceps’ interview of Foreign Minister S Jaishankar, Elvish Yadav’s interaction with [former] Haryana Chief Minister ML Khattar, Beer Biceps’ interviews with Union Ministers Nitin Gadkari and Smriti Irani, and the Curly Tales [Kamiya Jani] interview with Congress leader Rahul Gandhi and Nitin Gadkari,” it adds. The paper goes on to say that BJP completely dominates the landscape. In its conclusion, it adds that the objective of such collaborations is not necessarily to win elections, but rather, to win a discursive battle on what a specific party, politician, or ideology stands for. “Influencers allow politicians to present an alternate image of themselves, without the baggage of formality, or the weight of policy conversation,” the paper states.

The prime minister had understood all this, as is evident from his outreach to such groups for some years now. He has made it a habit to meet such groups that include gamers, unsung heroes, and startups that make a difference, although they don’t make it to newspaper headlines. This gels with his efforts to democratise the Padma awards given away by the government that, until he came in, were mostly awarded to politicians and the usual sus­pects—he made these awards an opportunity to reward citizens who genuinely deserved our honours, and often, from the hin­terland and small towns.

The point to note here in this multi-pronged exercise is that when nobody has a monopoly over sources of information, peo­ple find their own guides. Modi has meticulously used such turfs to drive home his message. He was also keen on out-of-the-box ways of campaigning. We saw that in the 2014 polls in the form of 3D holograms, which was used earlier only on rare occasions— one notable was the use of the technology as a tribute to the departed American rapper Tupac Shakur at the 2012 Coachella Valley Music and Arts Festival. Modi, too, had used 3D holograms in the Gujarat Assembly elections in 2012. Now, Modi is using Artificial Intelligence (AI) to reach out to people in their language. BJP is the first political party to use AI in elections starting with the last Delhi state Assembly elections. What differentiates Modi from the rest of the politicians is that he imbibes the spirit of the medium. It was evident years ago in the inaugural edition of his programme, Pariksha Pe Charcha, when he stumped everyone by asking a distressed mother—who was grappling with her son’s disinterest in studies—whether her son was addicted to an online game called PlayerUnknown’s Battlegrounds (PUBG).

Modi was equally at home parlaying with a select group of Indian gamers that included Animesh Agarwal, Mithilesh Patankar, Payal Dhare, Naman Mathur, and Anshu Bisht. The gaming community in India, which on average is growing at close to 20 per cent annually, engages as many as 55 crore people. Modi asked them whether they were interested in gaming or gambling, and then shared with them details of games he had learnt by himself before meeting them in April this year.

Modi had joined hands with fitness influencer Ankit Baiyanpuria in what can be described as a cleanliness exercise—which was to combine workout with cleaning. The prime minister shared a video of himself and Baiyanpuria carry­ing brooms and clearing trash. Similarly, he had allowed a small group of women to use his X handle to tell their stories. He did so after posting the following on X: “Greetings on International Women’s Day! We salute the spirit and accomplishments of our Nari Shakti. As I said a few days ago, I’m signing off. Through the day, seven women achievers will share their life journeys and per­haps interact with you through my social media accounts,” he said.

THE PRIME MINISTER also sat face-to-face with Microsoft cofounder Bill Gates recently to discuss technology, includ­ing AI, and how it can be used to meet certain governmental goals. Speaking to Gates, Modi said, “AI is very important. Sometimes, I jokingly say that in our country, we call our mother ‘Ai [pro­nounced as aayee]’. Now, I say that when a child is born, he says ‘aayee’ as well as AI. Children have become so advanced.” During their meeting, the geek prime minister also asked to take a selfie through his (NaMo) app and then demonstrated to Gates how it could be located through face-recognition technology.

Such a trend may be global, but the opportunity that it offers in a country where two-thirds of the population is under 35 is sim­ply huge, and Modi knows it. While other political leaders may be finding support from the like-minded or the already converted, Modi is the church that can find new adherents. What is adding to Modi’s firepower is that he is finding recruits who tend to see the man decades senior to them as one of them.

Data also backs Modi’s assessment of the situation. As high as 65 per cent of India’s population is under 35, and over 90 per cent of this group use smartphones. Many of them find Modi’s talks inspiring and relatable.

A survey of their social media handles proves that in sharp contrast to Modi, most opposition politicians, especially Con­gress leader Rahul Gandhi, do not share and promote ideas and themes that strike a chord with the aspiring Indian. This stark distinction is true of today’s young influencers, the likes of whom Modi had met, and the old-fashioned and often bitter scholars whom Gandhi Junior rubs shoulders with.

As opposed to Modi who brings up discussions on technology and entrepreneurship among the rural folk on his social media ac­counts, Gandhi resorts to misery-mongering and constant airing of grievances besides personal attacks on Modi. At a time when launching tirades against Modi is known to boomerang thanks to his popularity and endearing presence, Gandhi continues to be a tit, much to his  anguish and at the disadvantage of underestimating the halo the prime minister has acquired over time, especially online.

Modi sticks mostly to subjects that are of interest to those who wish to move up the social ladder and ensure upward social mobility for their children. This is why he deftly picks up sub­jects such as the startup ecosystem in India, easy access to credit, healthy living, technological advances across sectors, and how scientific know-how can be used to empower those who have until recently been confined to the margins.

Rahul Gandhi, pundits state, laps up subjects that are out of sync with the middle classes who do not want to give up on the gains they have made in life and career. It is as though the Congress leader wants the common man to remain poor and languish in menial jobs as their forefathers had done. Instead, Modi, although cognizant of pressing issues concerning the uplift of disadvantaged communities, is eager to find a solution, rather than revel in a blame game and refuse to solve the problem at hand. In the latest debate, Rahul Gandhi has suggested a ‘Robin Hood idea’ of stealing from the rich to feed the poor. The reported plan to establish an inheritance tax if elected to power—or rather the intention to do so—is intimidating not only to the super-rich but also to the toiling middle classes who fear that upon their demise, what ought to go to their heirs may be confiscated by the government. The Nehru-Gandhi scion who often spouts utopian ideas about wealth redistribution was quoted as saying in Hyder­abad by the media that once elected to power, “we will conduct a caste census… to know the exact population and status of back­ward castes, SCs, STs, minorities and other castes. After that, the financial and institutional survey will begin. Subsequently, we will take up the historic assignment to distribute the wealth of India, jobs, and other welfare schemes to these sections based on their population.” Although a few of the Congress lightweights jumped to downplay the statement, adding fuel to the fire, Sam Pitroda, who is close to Gandhi Junior and is the chairman of the Indian Overseas Congress, appeared to advocate in favour of a US-style inheritance. The claims made by Congress later to distance themselves from Pitroda have not clicked amidst the raging debate on a wealth survey proposed by Rahul Gandhi, a subject that even the extreme factions on the left wouldn’t dare bring up for fear of popular wrath.

Congress and the rest of the opposition harp on skewed pri­orities—which, as we have seen, include an emphasis on a caste census that has failed to click even in a caste-obsessed state like Bihar. The likes of Rahul Gandhi and others, especially in their social media pronouncements, seem to be stuck in the past, per­haps in the 1990s, when the caste census was needed because the government was considered the much-favoured employer. Career options have now changed in favour of entrepreneurship and private-sector employment.

Modi uses his digital presence with clinical precision and the views his posts get are proof of the pudding. His pithy comment, “Thank you, Chennai! Today was special”, alone got close to 2.5 million views. Some other posts attract views that a politician typically gets only in 10 or 15 rallies. His Eid Mubarak greetings were viewed by millions while his shares highlighting temple visits and Hindu prayers simply went viral, attracting hundreds of thousands of reposts. His YouTube videos also capture the public imagination in a way no other politician can do in India. Modi however doesn’t rest on his laurels: he enhances the digital footprint of his government’s message to the people by enlisting those who have become the de facto opinion leaders, replacing newspaper columnists, TV commentators, and the like.

Modi would have sported the next trend the next time you checked and found a new set of collaborators too. He has the ad­vantage of underestimating none and celebrating the adoring masses’ aspirations.

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