Back to the Medieval

WE ARE CONSTANTLY being reminded that this is a world in crisis and a global disorder looms. Challenges from great-power contestation to the collapse of the multilateral order are shaping the choices nations are making. Wars are raging not only in the Middle East where they never really ended but also in Europe which had assumed that it had outlived power politics. Even as history is back with a vengeance, non-traditional security threats are escalating, with climate change and migration causing not only material damage but also forcing societies to become inward-oriented. Technological advancements are sharpening the social and economic fault lines that at one point they were supposed to blur.

In the midst of all the turmoil, a part of the world that had become central to the global discourse in the aftermath of the terror attacks of September 11, 2001, has been conveniently forgotten. Afghanistan no longer commands global attention as it used to in the past and after the departure of American troops in August 2021, the plight of ordinary Afghans is seemingly of no consequence to the international community. Taliban 2.0 was supposed to be a different beast compared to Taliban 1.0 but the Taliban 2.0 narrative crashed at the altar of the ambi­tions of the old Taliban. It should not have been a surprise to anyone but the West and, in particular, the US has now got in the habit of getting surprised. The world is pretending hard that Afghanistan is not an issue but it continues to bounce back to the headlines.

Late last month, Taliban issued new laws in a 114-page, 35-article document, approved by supreme leader Hibatullah Akhundzada, which are likely to “be of great help in the promotion of virtue and the elimination of vice”. This is the first formal declaration of vice and virtue laws in Afghanistan since Taliban returned to power in 2021. While these laws are wide-ranging, covering most aspects of everyday life, the real targets are Afghan women and girls who were already suffering, having been prohibited from attending school beyond sixth grade, and banned from holding local jobs. Additionally, women are required to have a male guardian whenever they go out. Taliban have also announced the reinstatement of public flogging and stoning of women accused of adultery. This systematic attempt to exclude women and girls from almost every aspect of public life and denying them access to even basic human rights has rightfully been termed “gender apartheid”.

And the new laws announced last month take their suffering to an entirely new level by taking away the last remnants of dignity from Afghanistan’s 14 million women and girls. The new rules make it “mandatory for a woman to veil her body at all times in pub­lic and that a face covering is essential to avoid temptation and tempting others.” The new laws also mandate: “Whenever an adult woman leaves her home out of necessity, she is obliged to conceal her voice, face, and body.” Women who were already disappearing from public spaces are now being asked to even control their voices by not being heard singing, reciting, or reading aloud in public.

The new stipulations impact other aspects of Afghan life as well with bans on homosexuality, animal fighting, cultural celebrations, playing music in public and non-Muslim holidays. They also target men but the brunt is borne by women.

One of the first things Taliban did after seizing power in 2021 was to set up the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and the Prevention of Vice and it has become one of the strongest ways the regime has manifested its power since. It enjoys enormous power and impunity. In line with Taliban’s interpretation of the Sharia, or Islamic law, people have been targeted and sanctioned, with women treated most harshly. The new rules are aimed at further strangling the voices of women whose public presence is disappearing fast.

Taliban’s promises of a more inclusive governance structure have been met with scepticism, as their actions frequently undermine these commitments. International aid remains heavily contingent on Taliban’s adherence to human rights. Yet, despite Taliban not keeping any of their promises to the international community, the world is gradually trying to normalise relations with Kabul

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The United Nations (UN) has responded with its special representative for Afghanistan, Roza Otunbayeva, underlining that “it is a distressing vision for Afghanistan’s future, where moral inspectors have discretionary powers to threaten and detain anyone based on broad and sometimes vague lists of infractions,” and that the newly announced rules extending “the already intolerable restrictions on the rights of Afghan women and girls, with even the sound of a female voice outside the home apparently deemed a moral violation.” But when the credibility of UN is at an all-time low, such statements will have hardly any impact on Taliban who have tried to make the most of the global environment and altered their strategy, governance style, and international engagement to suit the needs of the time.

The reign of Taliban from 1996 to 2001 was marked by its strict interpretation of Islamic law, characterised by severe restrictions on women’s rights, suppression of dissent, and imposition of harsh penalties like public executions. Faced with global concern and scrutiny after their arrival in 2021, Taliban 2.0 initially tried to present a more moderate face to the world, at least in their rhetoric, as they sought to portray themselves as more open to dialogue and reform compared to their previous iteration as well as promising greater inclusivity and respect for human rights.

But it was clear from the very beginning that this was merely cosmetic as their basic worldview had not changed. In fact, it seemed to have been vindicated with the West’s humiliating departure after two decades of loss of life and treasure. On the world stage, however, Taliban face the chal­lenge of balancing their traditional values with the pressures of global diplomacy and aid dependency. Their governance is also complicated by internal factions and the economic crisis in Afghanistan, which affects their ability to provide for the population and maintain control. What Taliban 2.0 have been trying to do is adapt to the changing realities on the ground while remaining uncompromising on their core ideology.

Taliban’s rule has exacerbated Afghanistan’s humanitarian crisis, as governance has struggled with economic management, partly due to sanctions and the withdrawal of international aid. This has led to widespread suffering among the Afghan population, with critical needs like healthcare, education and infrastructure remaining unmet.

The international community has struggled to come up with a coherent response and has reacted with a mix of caution and criticism. There has been a reluctance to formally recognise the Taliban government, concerned about its human rights record and the potential for the resurgence of extremist activities. Taliban’s promises of a more inclusive governance structure have been met with scepticism, as their actions frequently undermine these commitments. International aid and diplomatic recogni­tion remain heavily contingent on the Taliban’s adherence to human rights norms and their willingness to engage in meaning­ful dialogue with various Afghan groups.

Yet, slowly but surely, and despite Taliban not keeping any of their promises to the international community, the world is gradually trying to normalise relations with them. Though most countries have made engagement with Taliban condi­tional to the improvement in the human rights situation in the country and movement towards a more inclusive govern­ment, Taliban have been successful in establishing de facto diplomatic relations with several countries, such as Russia, China, Pakistan and the Central Asian Republics.

EARLIER THIS YEAR, China officially recognised Bilal Karimi, a former Taliban spokesman, as envoy to Beijing. This move made Xi Jinping’s government the first in the world to grant such recognition since Taliban took back control of Afghanistan in 2021 although it was quick to point out that such a move did not signal Beijing’s official recognition of Afghanistan’s current rulers. And more recently, the UAE followed suit when it accepted the credentials of a Taliban-appointed diplomat as the ambassador of Afghanistan, ostensibly to provide humanitarian aid to the war-ravaged nation. Russia is now referring to Taliban as an “ally” in the fight against terrorism and a Taliban delegation was in Vladivostok earlier this month to attend the Eastern Economic Forum.

Last month, Taliban issued new laws, approved by supreme leader Hibatullah Akhundzada, which are likely to ‘be of great help in the promotion of virtue and the elimination of vice’

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The US has also taken steps to engage more with Taliban, aiming to balance its human rights concerns with providing aid to the Afghan people caught in a serious humanitarian crisis which shows no signs of abating. The Doha process, which is aimed at tackling the challenges facing Afghanistan, has also seen Taliban acquiring centrestage in its third iteration after the first two did not see their involvement. There is grow­ing consensus in the world that Afghanistan’s woes cannot be dealt with by ignoring Taliban. Most nations seem to believe that patiently engaging with Kabul is the most effective way to protect their countries’ interests and influence Taliban’s behaviour in the long run, rather than resorting to isolation. And this has in the process given greater global legitimacy to Taliban despite their abysmal human rights record.

For Afghanistan’s neighbours, including India, preventing the spillover of instability from Afghanistan is a key priority, with multiple terror groups including Al Qaeda still finding safe haven in the country, while for some Western nations like Germany engagement with Taliban remains the only way to facilitate the deportation of rejected Afghan asylum-seekers and criminal refugees. Though New Delhi has refused to recognise Taliban since the group came to power in 2021, it has continued to engage at a low level to meet the humanitarian requirements of Afghans and has maintained a ‘technical team’ at its embassy in Kabul since 2022.

Taliban have made full use of this global environment where pragmatism is seen as the most effective policy response to their rule. They have repeatedly stressed that they want good ties with all nations, with the proviso that they will not be listening to anyone who tells them what to do domestically. It is perhaps a sign of the times that while Taliban need the world more than the other way round, the world seems to have hardly any lever­age in shaping their behaviour. The world today believes that greater engagement with Taliban will produce more favourable outcomes on security and the human rights front over the long term. But it remains an assumption that has more often than not fallen by the wayside if recent trends are anything to go by.

The relationship of Taliban 2.0 and the wider world is still a work in progress. Taliban’s interaction with regional and global powers as well as their management of Afghanistan’s dire eco­nomic and humanitarian situation will be pivotal in shaping not only the country’s own future and stability but also those of the region and the world. The world is taking a risky gambit and the price is being paid by the women of Afghanistan.

About The Author

Harsh V Pant

Harsh V Pant is Vice President, Studies and Foreign Policy, at Observer Research Foundation (ORF), New Delhi