A Broken Social Contract

ANOTHER PASSOVER IS JUST ROUND THE CORNER, yet 59 hostages remain in Gaza. Over 18 months have passed since October 7, 2023 and the dura­tion of this ongoing ordeal is incomprehensible. Passover, a Jewish holiday that commemorates the biblical Exodus, is a time for reflection and remembrance. The holiday’s main function is the Seder, a meal where extended families gather to read aloud a book recounting the story of the Jews’ liberation from slavery in Egypt and their journey to becoming a free people in their homeland, Israel.

This year, the story of liberation isn’t just a tale from 3,000 years ago—it is a reality we are living today. Out of the 59 hostages, 24 are still alive. In Israel, we know each one of them—their names, faces, ages, parents, and life stories. It feels like they are our own family members. My heart goes out to Alon Ohel (23), a hostage kept in chains. He has lost sight in one of his eyes, and his condition worsens with each passing day. Taken by Hamas from the Nova music festival, he was left alone in a tunnel when his cellmates were released. His beautiful face and smile cry out for help from every corner. Sadly, after 18 months, the families of the hostages are losing the energy to continue fighting.

The Israeli government blames Hamas for rejecting the proposed terms for their release. The hostage families and hostages released in the recent truces argue that the Israeli government is not doing enough, and that resuming the fighting in Gaza will not bring back the hostages but will merely preserve Benjamin Netanyahu’s government. Far-right members of the Knesset bluntly state that eliminating Hamas is more important than freeing the hostages. The released hostages have testified to the dire need for immediate action. Some of them came back in a condition reminiscent of ‘musselmen’, a term used to describe Holocaust survivors who were left as emaciated skeletons, the result of extreme starvation. The returned hostages cry out loudly, warning that with each passing day the chances of survival for those still held captive diminish. Some have been kept in chains through the whole ordeal, surviving on little to no food or water, with no access to fresh air.

The hostage crisis is just part of the nonstop news flow in Israel. The discussions around the Seder table are bound to be intense. In families with members from both right and left, these debates can easily turn into a rift. People often find themselves choosing sides—either you are liberal and opposed to the government, or you stand with Netanyahu. For most, it is black-and-white, with little room for grey.

In early March, it seemed as though the situation was calming down, and that the war might soon come to an end. But as spring arrived, and although the weather is lovely, it became ‘hot’ again. People returned to the streets, protesting. Some are speaking out against the judicial reform which has resurfaced on the government’s agenda, just as it was before October 7, 2023. Others are protesting to demand the release of the hostages. Many are protesting against the government in general, a blend of both causes. The grievances against the government are endless. While the next elections are scheduled for October 2026, the protesters fear the government’s actions and the ongoing war will inflict too much damage, eroding the very foundation of democracy.

Events that have dominated the news in recent weeks serve as case studies that could be taught in democracy lessons. The chief of staff was replaced, a move that came as no surprise given his responsibility for the army’s failures before and dur­ing the October 7 massacre. The second high-profile dismissal announced by the government was that of Ronen Bar, head of the Israel Security Services (Shin Bet). Netanyahu said that Bar was being replaced due to a lack of trust between the two. In response, Bar argued that Netanyahu’s decision was invalid, there was no due process, and that the prime minister is under a conflict of interests. The attorney general, who usually serves as advocate for the government, refused to represent the government in this matter and sided with Bar. Bar’s supporters claimed his loyalty should be to the kingdom and not to the king, referring of course to Netanyahu. The case was brought to the decision of the Supreme Court which sided with the attorney general against the government position, but sent the parties out to reach a settlement. Although it is clear that Bar will eventually resign due to his responsibility for the failures of October 7—a responsibility he himself has acknowledged—he has stated that he will step down only when his mission to secure the release of the hostages is accomplished.

The conflict of interests attributed to Netanyahu stems from a major ongoing investigation by the Shin Bet and the police which has been dubbed ‘Qatargate’. The investigation targets individuals who worked in the Prime Minister’s Office. The allegations suggest that while serving in their official roles, these individu­als also acted as strategic consultants for Qatar, with the objec­tive of enhancing Qatar’s global public image.

Even if these individuals had worked for a country friendly towards Israel, there would still be an inherent conflict of inter­est in working for two governments simultaneously. However, the situation is more complex when it involves Qatar. While Qatar is not officially considered an enemy of Israel, it has long used its wealth to support Hamas’ terrorism. The October 7 massacre can be attributed to Qatar no less than to Hamas. Qatar has also provided shelter to Hamas leaders, offering them a very comfortable base outside of Gaza. Since the outbreak of the Gaza war, Qatar has positioned itself as a key player in hos­tage release negotiations, allegedly a neutral mediator, despite its deep ties to Hamas. The recent attempt to dismiss the head of Shin Bet coincided with the launch of the Qatargate investiga­tion, leading many in Israel to believe that the two are connect­ed. There is a prevailing sentiment that the move to fire the Shin Bet head was intended to send a clear message: to halt or interfere with the investigation.

As evident from the attempt to dis­miss the head of Shin Bet, another key figure the government seeks to remove is Attorney General Gali Baharav Miara. The government voted unanimously in favour of her dismissal, accusing her de­cisions of being politicised. In response, the attorney general asserted that her role is not to protect the government but to ensure that it operates within the boundaries of the law. Such a process of dismissing her will be long but eventual­ly the government will be able to replace this major guardian of democracy.

The bereaved families of the October 7 massacre and the Gaza war are calling for the establishment of an official committee to investigate the events that led to the tragic failure. While both the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) and Shin Bet have released their respective investigations into the events, the government has refused to initiate a committee that adheres to the legal framework set by Israeli law for such inquiries. According to the law, such a com­mittee must be appointed by the Supreme Court Chief Justice. However, the government lacks trust in the chief justice and is pushing for a committee where it would have the authority to choose the members. Polls conducted by most news channels indicate that the public places its trust in the justice system rather than in the government, and that most support the establishment of an official investigation committee.

Another clash between the judicial and executive branches is evident in the case of recruiting the ultra-Orthodox com­munity into the army. In Israel, military service is mandatory for two to three years, followed by reserve duty. However, the ultra-Orthodox community seeks to avoid this obligation, as­serting that its contribution to the nation’s defence is in prayer. Civil society organisations have appealed to the Supreme Court, requesting that it compel the defence minister to recruit eligible members of the Ultra-Orthodox community. The court presented the defence minister with two options: either begin recruiting ultra-Orthodox individuals by June or pass a law that exempts the community from military service. The issue, however, is that there is no majority in the Israeli parliament to pass such a law. If it fails to pass, the government, which is sup­ported by ultra-Orthodox parties, could collapse when the court mandates the issuance of recruitment orders for the commu­nity. The anger directed at the ultra-Orthodox by much of the population is intense. A significant portion of the community does not work for a living, believing that studying the holy texts is more important than employment. They hold the view that God will provide for them as long as they adhere to Jewish laws. In reality, it is the tax-paying public that financially supports them, as they receive substantial allowances as part of the national budget. Taxpayers ar­gue that not only does this community refrain from serving in the military but it also fails to contribute to the economy. Moreover, they benefit from budgets that their political leaders se­cure for them, often seen as ‘payment’ for their support to the coalition.

The last 18 months have only inten­sified anger towards the ultra-Ortho­dox community. The cost of the war, along with the expense of rehabilitat­ing the northern and southern towns and villages, has been enormous. Taxes have risen, social benefits have been reduced, yet, paradoxically, the budgetary allowances for this com­munity have increased. The resumption of the Gaza war last month meant another round of reserve soldiers’ recruitment. Some reserve soldiers have already served over 400 days since the war began, leaving behind their homes and jobs, dedicating their hearts and souls to the nation. Meanwhile, most of the ultra-Orthodox remain exempt from military service, creating an unequal burden in fulfilling national duties.

The ongoing tensions between the judicial and executive branches, the call for equality in national service, and the broader societal divisions underscore the profound challeng­es Israel faces today. However, even if these issues are resolved, the social contract between the country and its people will remain broken unless the hostages are released. This should be Netanyahu’s first priority.

Benjamin NetanyahuDonald TrumpgeopoliticsHamas in GazaIsrael-HamasUS-Israel