The War of the Images

THIS IS AN election of images. And in this election of images, it Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s image that is central. Most of the electorate has already voted or going to vote for or against the image of Modi. Images of other leaders, those from other political parties, seem to lag far behind Modi’s image in Elections 2024.

Roaming in and around the khet-khalihan (farms and barns) of North Indian states like Uttar Pradesh (UP) and Bihar, one may observe that people, especially those in rural areas, converse about images and not about narratives when they discuss the Lok Sabha polls. They talk about leaders like Modi, Rahul Gandhi, Yogi Adityanath, Mayawati, Nitish Kumar, Tejashwi Yadav, and Arvind Kejriwal, or about the symbols of the parties, for example, kamal (lotus), bicycle, hathi (elephant), haath (hand), etc. Such images occupy an important place in people’s political imagination in almost every election. In this General Election, the images have acquired significance due to the enhancement of the image capital of Prime Minister Modi in recent years. Modi has evolved into an influential picture in people’s minds across India. Even in the interior regions of the country, I have heard people talk about this being “Modi ka election (Modi’s election)”. When I asked them what they thought of the ongoing polls, then too, some of the respondents exclaimed: “Election! It is Modi ka election.”

What does this mean? It means the prime minister’s popularity has reached such a level that it has emerged as a synonym for the General Election itself in the hearts and minds of illiterate and marginalised people living in India’s rural interior. Popularity of that order tends to produce, after the lapse of some time, visual symbols that have the capability of capturing our imagination and orienting our political attitude and behaviour. Such popularity enhances public appreciation of such leaders and their work while minimising the scope for criticising them. In this election, pursuing my field work in different parts of the country, I found that people had no complaints against Prime Minister Modi. Even many of those who were/are going to vote against the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) could be found praising Modi.

The images come to us through various kinds of orality and perceptions, electronic and print media, as well as social media. We consume them, recreate them, and then distribute them among more people. We distribute the images via the same mediums—oral, visual, aural—by which we receive them in the first place. There are two types of images— those with a shorter lifespan and those with a longer shelf life. Images with a long life may sometimes be transformed into symbols, with constant additions, deletions and other modifications. I would like to emphasise here that the politics that was being observed and analysed in the media and in the political sphere as an ‘age of narrative’ is now being turned into an ‘age of images’. As it happened, the narrative which had remained central to politics in this decade has now acquired a supplementary status and contributed as a constituent to the politics of image-making.

Images work in mobilising the public in democratic elections by re-forging their inherent ties with the trust of the people. The public develops a deep trust in the positive images of political leaders. This trust mobilises them for political support.

Moreover, images have a long-lasting impact on people’s memories. These memories are activated by image-based narratives and persuasive discourses through rallies and media appearances used to garner electoral support in favour of parties and their leaders.

This election is going to be a contest of images, mainly among those of three leaders at the national level— Narendra Modi, Rahul Gandhi and Arvind Kejriwal. With this as the core of image politics, the images of many regional leaders are also contesting that of Modi’s in various opposition-run states to counter the political influence of Brand Modi.

Modi’s image has evolved with constant additions of various kinds of image capital which emerged from his political and governance styles. It started evolving after 2005 when Modi was chief minister of Gujarat. It created public trust in Modi as a visionary leader who was dedicated to development. After becoming prime minister, his image got a big boost and added to itself new image capital, such as a leader who delivers, who crafts his politics to make India viksit (advanced or developed) and strong, etc. He won a huge trust capital at the grassroots level. And, after the inauguration of the Ram Mandir, his image got another big boost, deepening his admiration among a broader section of Hindus belonging to various castes and social groups. A meticulous analysis would show that Modi’s image has evolved by the cohesive combination of his vak (orality), political actions, and governance decisions, and from his visible presence in real as well as virtual public life. There are no contradictions among these ingredients of image-formation in the public imagination. Any imbalance, or contradiction, thereof would create ruptures in the impact of the image. It’s difficult to find any ambiguity in the messages conveyed by Modi’s image.

Thus, Prime Minister Modi’s image is far ahead in comparison to those of his rivals. He has not only effectively built up his political image but also evolved his image beyond the political. People began believing in him as their problem-solver even in their social, cultural and religious lives. Modi’s innumerable engagements with the public through programmes like Mann ki Baat and Pariksha Pe Charcha, his presence at religious and spiritual sites, etc. have further helped him gain such trust.

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi also uses similar strategies of image-building, such as influencing the public imagination through orality, political actions as well as media visibility. He has also gained a certain amount of trust among a section of people and has succeeded in diluting his negative image prevalent on social media. But we can observe two problems in his case. First, the element of inconsistency; second, contradictions among the various constituents of his exercise in image-building. For example, sometimes his abrupt absence from the field creates hurdles for increasing his trust capital. Some of his statements contradict and hinder the growth of his image. His recent statement about the youth of Varanasi generated a lot of criticism and ruptured his image as a youth icon or leader.

Kejriwal’s image entered this battle only recently. However, the Delhi chief minister has also earned his image as a ‘doer’, a leader who fulfils his commitments substantially. But after his arrest by the Directorate of Enforcement (ED), a twofold reaction emerged among the public. There was sympathy for him among one section but in places far from Delhi and Punjab, where his party is stronger, he is being criticised. A section of the public finds a gap between his kathani (words, statements) and karani (deeds). As we know, such gaps disrupt the image-building of a leader.

It is interesting to witness the image battle among these leaders in the ongoing parliamentary election. It is not difficult to see a big lead for Modi against his rivals. The only thing we need to watch is the extent to which such image-impacts translate into votes. We have to also see how the cadres belonging to these leaders’ respective parties work strategically to use their images to mobilise people and get them to cast their votes.

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