Restoring the Dignity of the Dead

IT TOOK THE SUPREME COURT-appointed committee on Manipur headed by Gita Mittal, former chief justice of the High Court of Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh, to blow the lid off what must be the state’s worst-kept secret. Ever since ethnic violence broke out between the valley-based Meiteis and the tribal Kukis, self-styled civil so­ciety organisations have sought to fan the flames of hatred and mistrust and prevent any modicum of peace from returning to the troubled state. On November 28, the Supreme Court called out some of these organisations and told their counsel that he (and the out­fits he represented) did not want a solution. Firmly stating that it did not want to keep the pot boiling over the victims of rioting, the Bench headed by Chief Justice of India (CJI) DY Chandrachud directed Manipur to carry out the last rites if the next kin failed to claim the identified bodies within the next two weeks.

The court’s sharp rejection of the pleas for a mass burial put forward by some tribal organ­isations follows a report of the Justice Mittal committee that certain NGOs were actively pressuring the next of kin not to accept bodies that have been kept in hospital mortuaries for months now. As of October 7, 2023, of the 169 identified bodies, ex-gratia payment had been accepted by the next of kin in 73 cases while the verification process is on in 58 others.

“Unfortunately, on account of pressure from civil society organ­isations, which include UTLF, JPO and KIM, the remaining 38 families have expressed unwillingness to receive the ex-gratia amounts,” the committee said. The role of some of these organ­isations that claim to represent tribal interests has been appar­ent but failed to find mention in the reams of reportage from the state. The committee recommended the 38 families be directed to accept compensation and busybody NGOs prohibited from obstructing the kin from receiving such compensation.

Some of the organisations in focus have been pressing for a separate administrative zone for Kukis, saying they cannot live in a state where ‘majority’ Meiteis have the upper-hand. On No­vember 29, rallies were organised in support of the demand by Kuki-Zo communities and slogans raised against the Manipur government. The viability of carving out a separate administra­tive zone in a small state apart, agreeing to such demands will amount to casting the ethnic divide between Meiteis and Kukis in stone. It will only encourage extremists on either side to violate the fragile truce—held in place by buffer zones—and go for each other all over again. The message for those who look to benefit from a ‘conflict economy’ had to be unambiguous, making it clear to both sides that their future lies in a peaceful accommodation of interests and not divisive demands. It cannot be the case that one side is more to blame. The trouble began when a rally called by tribal bodies on May 3 ended in violence against Meiteis and this was soon followed by vicious retaliation.

Since UNLF represents Meitei interests, the threat of increased infiltration from Myanmar and fears about the Meitei identity of Imphal Valley being diluted would concern the group. It would see the merit in measures such as the maintenance of a citizens’ register

Share this on

It is in this context that the peace accord announced by Union Home Minister Amit Shah with the United National Liberation Front (UNLF) on November 28 assumes importance. The signing of peace terms came days after Chief Minister N Biren Singh said that a breakthrough with an important insurgent group was on the cards. What prompted UNLF, the oldest Meitei insurgent out­fit in the state, to smoke the peace pipe with the Centre? The sharpening of the ethnic divide with Kukis might well have led to some serious deliberations within UNLF. Since the group represents Meitei interests, the threat of increased infiltration from Myanmar and fears about the Meitei identity of Imphal Valley being diluted would concern UNLF. The group would see the merit in measures such as the maintenance of a citizens’ register and identification of outsiders/refugees. “UNLF is the fa­ther of insurgencies in Manipur and the group’s decision to give up insurgency is a significant development,” Colonel DPK Pillay (retired), research fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses. Pillay had served in Manipur where he earned a Shaurya Chakra for prioritising the evacuation of wounded children despite being seriously injured himself.

While the Supreme Court’s order to the Manipur adminis­tration to go ahead with the last rites of the dead who have been identified but whose kin are not accepting the bodies is a setback for conflict-mongers, UNLF’s decision brings the curtain down on a long period of violence that saw the group launch an armed struggle for the ‘liberation’ of Manipur. According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal (SATP), UNLF, set up in the mid-1960s, allied itself with Pakistan’s cause in the 1971 war to liberate Bangladesh and later forged linkages with several other insurgent groups in the Northeast and with China as well. At one point, UNLF was part of a ‘united’ struggle along with Naga insurgents, the United Libera­tion Front of Asom (ULFA), and even the Kuki National Army. The violence in Manipur has, however, served to expose ethnic divides between the Vaishnavite Meiteis and the largely Christian Kukis.

THE SETBACK TO meddlers seeking to keep the fires of con­flict burning and to deepen divisions in Manipur should drive home the message that both sides must agree to coex­ist. It is only when this becomes clear will an equilibrium of sorts be reached, and all stakeholders will realise the need for serious negotiations and peace. Left to themselves, ordinary citizens are likely to look for security and consider the need to get on with their lives. The ends of justice will need to be served as well and both sides have a case here, having lost near and dear ones and suffered severe economic damage by way of displacement and destruction of property and livelihoods. Asking Biren Singh to be fair and neutral, the home minister has made it clear that while the Centre is open to redressing grievances, it would act against motivated interlopers. The enforcement of the Foreign Contri­bution (Regulation) Act (FCRA) and the careful scrutiny of the activities of hundreds of NGOs are aimed at reducing the use of money received for political objectives or fuelling social unrest.

The Supreme Court’s order to the Manipur administration to go ahead with the last rites of the dead who have been identified but whose kin are not accepting the bodies is a setback for conflict-mongers

Share this on

Playing with ethnic fires has cost India dearly, particularly in the Northeast. The late Lt General SK Sinha had, as governor of Assam, spoken out against the provisions of the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) (IMDT) Act, 1983, saying that the law prevented action against illegal migrants from Bangladesh. He was often at odds with Congress over this issue. Congress lead­ers said the IMDT Act prevented discrimination against minori­ties while Sinha warned against the influx from Bangladesh. Yet, a penchant for seeing illegals as vote banks was a reason for the rise of ULFA and it plunged Assam into decades of unrest that resulted in violence and a heavy human toll. The wheel turned full circle when Assam voted for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2016 and 2021, with concerns about illegal immigration overcoming the linguistic faultlines in the state. It has been a similar story in other states of the Northeast where short-sighted policies led to dozens of insurgencies that weakened common bonds and pre­vented the emergence of a national identity that accommodated regional aspirations.

The apex court-appointed committee’s report says that the deaths reported between May 3 and October 7 add up to 175, of which 169 have been identified and 81 bodies have been claimed by the next of kin. The number of bodies identified but not claimed is 88. The unclaimed bodies have been kept at the Jawaharlal Nehru Institute of Medical Sciences, Imphal; Regional Institute of Medical Science, Imphal; and District Hospital, Chura­chandpur. “The committee has been informed that though most of the next of kin were willing to accept dead bodies for perform­ing the last rites, there is tremendous pressure upon them from civil society organisations active in the state not to accept the bod­ies or to perform the last rites,” the report said. The committee said that during a meeting held in Churachandpur, the next of kin of a father and brother who had died expressed a sense of urgency to conduct the last rites.

“It is apprehended that some CSOs are opposing and obstruct­ing the performance of the last rites by relatives on account of vested interests, and even in order to derive mileage and to compel authorities to meet unwarranted demands… there are elements interested in maintaining tensions between communities and preventing restoration of peace and harmony in the state. For this reason, the true and correct facts of the matter are also being placed before this court (Supreme Court),” the committee submit­ted. The state administration has proposed nine sites as best suited for burials. “Unfortunately, the CSOs are insisting on unsuitable spots for collective burials which will serve as a constant source of tensions between the communities in Manipur and prevent restoration of normalcy,” the report states. The intensions of the NGOs are clear enough as the burial sites they are demanding are on the inter-district boundaries between hill and valley districts— a veritable ethnic faultline sure to provoke both sides.

The court’s rejection of the pleas for a mass burial put forward by some tribal organisations follows a report of the Justice Mittal committee that certain NGOs were pressuring the next of kin not to accept the bodies

Share this on

With the bodies lying in mortuaries and not being claimed, there have been repeated efforts to reignite violence and in one instance an attempt was made to perform the last rites at a govern­ment sericulture farm, resulting in thousands of people reaching the site and creating a law and order problem that was defused after considerable effort. “Failure to perform the last rites of the deceased in a dignified manner would be showing disrespect to them. Furthermore, preservation of corpses puts a huge strain on the already stretched human resources of the state. It is a point of constant tension in the state,” the committee said. The report also said that the civil society organisations (CSOs) in question had ad­opted a distressing method of protest by placing 50 coffins in front of the office of the deputy commissioner of Churachandpur, along with extensive sloganeering on the walls. The coffins only deepen the pain of those who have lost relatives and is also demoralising for officials working hard to help the displaced populations.

It is in the light of these reports by the committee, which also comprises Justice Shalini Joshi and Justice Asha Menon (both re­tired high court judges), that the Supreme Court directed the state administration to proceed with the last rites of the unclaimed but identified dead. Now that a final period of two weeks has been given for the next of kin to step forward, many could be expected to do so. The kin are likely to point out to the NGOs calling for a mass burial that they would like to perform the rites themselves rather than submit their dead to the impersonal nature of a state-organised burial. Officials in the state government are hoping the apex court’s order will allow the bereaved to claim their dead and put an end to a difficult situation. They are also optimistic that the peace accord with UNLF will influence other insurgents to also consider negotiated settlements and reduce the incentives for more violence in Manipur.

About The Author

Rajeev Deshpande

•