The Ambedkar Dividend

THE CONSTITUTION FOR us had remained largely a text providing knowledge, in the judicial process and as part and parcel of parliamentary functions. It acquired popular status after being connected to the memory of BR Ambedkar, whom a section of the population, especially Dalits and backward classes, credit with formulating it. They see it as Ambedkar’s contribution to the nation which has secured them a dignified life in society. It made untouchability illegal and saved them from the injustices of the caste system. They also believe that the Constitution has provided for positive discrimination like reservations which provide them opportunities for growth and socio-political mobility. Therefore, the Constitution is not merely a text and a source of policy provisions for marginalised communities. It is also connected with their everyday life, and gradually became a major concern for a section of educated and aware Dalits and backwards. It was not only a major constituent of their present but also the hope for their future.

It is interesting to note that the Constitution gained popularity among marginalised communities with the rise of Dalit politics in India. This narrative, of Ambedkar as the maker of the Constitution, was disseminated through Ambedkarite politics, which was expanded via the Republican Party of India and Bahujan Samaj activism. This strengthened the emphasis on the Constitution as the emancipator of the marginalised. Thus the Constitution came to occupy a popular base in Indian society. Although it got amended many times at the hands of both Congress and non-Congress governments, such as the Janata Party and BJP, the Constitution remains a sacred text for India’s oppressed.

No political party and government, however, can ignore, deny or reject the Constitution. That has happened only once, during Emergency which was imposed by the Indira Gandhi-led Congress. But the popular image of the Indian Constitution can be used for political mobilisation and electoral gain as we saw in the 2024 General Election. The I.N.D.I.A. bloc transformed the Constitution into a political symbol and used it in its electoral campaign, especially with parties like Congress, Samajwadi Party and RJD making extensive use of it, both orally and visually. Leaders like Rahul Gandhi and Akhilesh Yadav made references to the alleged danger to the Constitution at almost all their rallies, repeatedly pointing at BJP as the threat while projecting themselves as its protectors. By displaying the Constitution during their campaign and at press conferences, they tried to create new visual memories of it.

Rahul Gandhi and other leaders made references to the alleged danger to the Constitution at almost all their rallies, repeatedly pointing at BJP as the threat while projecting themselves as its protectors

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As strategy, what this did was rekindle Dalit and backward-class memories and experiences and connected those with the Constitution via Babasaheb Ambedkar. By doing this, these leaders tried to forge an electoral connect with a section of Dalit and backward-class voters in certain parts of India. States where BJP has strong Dalit and OBC faces, as in Bihar and Madhya Pradesh, such politics from the I.N.D.I.A. bloc did not work well. But in a state like Uttar Pradesh, where BJP lacks credible local faces, this narrative pushed by Congress and its allies prevailed with sections of Dalit and backward voters.

By turning the Constitution into a political symbol, the I.N.D.I.A. grouping also attached it to the politics of anxiety, which was woven with the sense of insecurity generated by the Opposition based on the allegation that the Constitution was in danger—a danger posed by BJP, the party in power. Thus, the politics of anxiety became a politics of fear about the Constitution and Constitutional values which Congress and its partners evoked through their campaign. Such political narratives are mostly built on assumptions without evidence. These gradually took the shape of a politics of rumour and found traction on social media. The combination of anxiety, fear and social media dissemination worked in favour of the Opposition electorally.

Such emotive politics can be sustained in the absence of a

powerful counter from the other side. If a counter emerges, an emotive narrative becomes weak. We will have to see how BJP responds to this situation and what kind of counter-narrative it generates for the coming Assembly elections.

About The Author

Badri Narayan

Badri Narayan is a director and professor at GB Pant Social Science Institute, Prayagraj. He is the author of, among other titles, Republic of Hindutva

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