The roads leading to Rashtrapati Bhavan on Sunday evening, June 9, were jammed with vehicles as thousands of attendees made their way to the swearing-in ceremony of Modi 3.0
(Illustrations: Saurabh Singh)
The roads leading to Rashtrapati Bhavan on Sunday evening, June 9, were jammed with vehicles as thousands of attendees made their way to the swearing-in ceremony of Modi 3.0. The numbers were much bigger than those for the 2019 event which itself was on a grander scale than that in 2014. The invitations for the oath-taking of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his ministerial colleagues went out to a large cross-section that included hundreds of diplomats—representatives of small and distant countries. A lot of thought was given to the attendance of foreign missions—consulates, high commissions and embassies—as India has positioned itself as a friend of the global community, which is not a mere slogan in the context of Modi’s foreign policy. Keenly aware of how diplomatic contacts with the Baltic states proved important in evacuating Indian students from Ukraine, invites went out to former Soviet republics like Moldova, a small country perched on the edge of the Black Sea to the west of Ukraine which appointed its first resident ambassador not too long ago. Similarly, many leading Hindu religious and cultural figures, who had attended the consecration ceremony of the Ram Mandir in January, were seen at the event. Some of the cricket celebrities, including greats like Sunil Gavaskar, were missing due to the T20 World Cup being played in the US and the Caribbean. Business suits and formal Indian achkans were on display as India Inc recorded a strong presence. Modi does not appear to be bothered by the Opposition’s allegations about big business being favoured by his government, rather believing industry is crucial to growth and attracting investment, and that wealth creation is not a bad phrase. There were a large number of BJP supporters and those who had come to see their leaders being sworn in. Armed with an invitation to Rashtrapati Bhavan, guests arrived in their finery with women in a stunning range of silks. Amongst ministers to receive the loudest cheer was former Madhya Pradesh Chief Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan who has made a mark with his simplicity and rustic style.
New Army Chief
On June 11, the Centre announced that Lieutenant General Upendra Dwivedi will be the next Chief of the Army Staff succeeding the incmbent General Manoj Pande on June 30. Earlier, the decision to extend General Pande’s tenure by a month, until July 31, was seen as ‘unusual’ but the government said it was in keeping with an unwritten protocol that no senior appointments be made after the model code of conduct (MCC) has come into force ahead of the Lok Sabha election. If the move was prompted by a desire to keep two senior generals out of the zone of selection—as suggested by some commentators—then the order is not useful as they continue to be eligible. In any case, the government does not need to adopt roundabout ways if it wants to ignore the order of seniority. It did so while appointing General Bipin Rawat as Army chief as it felt he was the best person for the job. If the current government had not returned to office, its successor would have had an Army chief appointed just weeks before the results. The arguments about General Pande’s extension are again an example of Delhi’s commentators adroitly moving the goalposts as and when it suits them.
Back to Work
The wait for the new government is over, and few other sections watch election results as keenly as the bureaucracy. The Central ministries were given the task of preparing inputs for the government’s ‘100-Day Plan’ and one reason possibly was to keep the civil service busy at a time when official activity goes into limbo. As it is now clear that the Modi government will continue, the babudom has reasons to be relieved as there will be no radical shift in priorities or the regime’s style of functioning. But on the other hand, there is cause for concern for a section that just does not like BJP. This lot of officials doesn’t have much in common but has found the disruption in the old ways of securing posts and pelf quite disconcerting. The higher levels of accountability since the Modi government assumed office in 2014 is also not to the liking of some bureaucrats used to having their way with political executives who were either disinterested in governance or busy feathering their nests. Despite reduced numbers, the new government is in the saddle and scrutiny of official functioning can only be expected to become more rigorous given the ambitious targets being set.
Minus NCP
The non-inclusion of the Ajit Pawar-led NCP in the new government led to speculation about the future of the Mahayuti (Grand Alliance) of BJP, NCP and Shiv Sena (Eknath Shinde) in Maharashtra. NCP’s poor show in the Lok Sabha election has certainly caused unease in the party’s ranks but there may not be any significant fallout at the Centre. For one, senior NCP leader Praful Patel said he would not accept a minister of state (MoS) designation having been a Cabinet minister in the UPA government. As things stand, this is not a bad situation for either party. Patel’s inclusion could have been problematic in light of rumblings in BJP ranks about the induction of parties and leaders investigated by anti-corruption agencies. In the past, when NCP was not divided, Patel had been part of discussions about the party joining NDA and becoming part of the Maharashtra government. In Ajit Pawar’s telling of the story, party supremo Sharad Pawar backed out more than once. Given reports that BJP’s voters have not been supportive of NCP candidates, Patel’s exclusion may be a fortuitous turn of events.
AAP’s Cup of Woes
While I.N.D.I.A.’s performance in the Lok Sabha polls has given its constituents something to cheer about, AAP has a lot to ponder. Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal’s plea that the Centre would not be able to send him back to jail if people voted for him has failed to impress voters with BJP winning all seven seats in the national capital with comfortable margins despite an AAP-Congress alliance and a consolidation of Muslim votes. As the days go by, and with no indication that Kejriwal may get bail anytime soon, the dilemma in the state government’s functioning will deepen. AAP circles feel BJP not having a majority in Lok Sabha might aid their cause since NDA partners JD(U) and TDP would not back a move to dismiss the state government. But dismissal is the last resort as the mounting problems AAP faces due to the lack of a functioning chief minister work to BJP’s advantage. The AAP government, as evident from the election results, is not gaining any public sympathy for the woes of its jailed leaders.
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