The Radicalisation of Kerala

THE MULTIPLE BLASTS at a congregation of Jehovah’s Witnesses (JW), a Biblical cult also de­scribed as a Christian-based movement, in Kochi on October 29 set off immediate concerns that the blasts could be linked to recent protests in support of Hamas and the Palestinian cause. When an apparently disgrun­tled member of the group put up a video claiming responsibility and soon turned himself in, the security establishment heaved a sigh of relief and media attention mostly moved on. Tragic as the deaths of three people were, the perpetrators were not Islamic radicals and this led to a rapid loss of interest in the case, with the incident increasingly relegated to the inside pages of major publications outside Kerala even though it continued to be dis­cussed in the state. Yet, almost a week after the Kochi bombings, troubling questions relating to JW and the Islamist mobilisation after the Hamas attacks on Israel remain unanswered. Though unconnected, both harbour exclusivist religious beliefs and—in the case of pro-Hamas protesters—have the backing of Kerala’s major political parties.

Dominic Martin, the middle-aged man in his 50s, who claimed to have set off the IEDs (improvised explosive devices), lashed out at the JW in a video post on social media after the blasts, describing the group’s teachings as anti-national and dangerous. Claiming to have been a member of the JW for the 16 years, Martin said the group was teaching and propagating “highly problematic” concepts where children were being told not to sing the national anthem, vote or join military or even the civil services. All communities other than the JW were described as impure or in a state of decay. In the manner of doomsday cults, the JW believes that all other communities would be destroyed. “What can you do about an organisation that desires the destruction of 850 crore people,” Martin asked. It took the police some time to accept Martin’s claims but he has provided details now being verified. Though seen to be crude devices, the IEDs were placed with some deliberation under inflammable chairs, packed with petrol pouches and triggered by mobiles. Senior BJP leader Dr K S Radhakrishnan feels there may be more people involved and says the JW has some troublesome beliefs. “The JW have fought against Catholic and Protestant denominations. They are not Christians as they reject the Trinity of the Father, Son and Holy Ghost. Not a Christians. They believe Israel is the land of Jews and the world urgently needs a new sovereignty. It is an autocratic organisation. It does not permit its members to mingle with anyone who does not believe in their faith. The IEDs were timed to go off within five minutes and planted carefully. Five minutes. It seems difficult to believe one individual with limited abilities did all of  this,” Radhakrishnan told Open. He added that Kalamassery was the site of the 2005 bus burning case for which three persons have been convicted. The accused had hijacked a bus and torched it after asking passengers to deboard in protest against alleged delay in releasing People Democratic Party leader Abdul Nasar Madani who was accused in the Combatore and Bangalore bomb blasts cases.A Jehovah’s Witness representative said  Martin’s statements reflected his personal opinion and expressed shock at  the blasts, adding that the group is cooperating with the police.

Online publications the Watchtower and Awake, published by JW.org, offer an insight into the group’s beliefs. The group does not worship the Cross or any other image, is organised in congregations and has a governing body (described as a small group of mature Christians) that provides directions to JW worldwide. The website claims that JW are strictly neutral in political affairs and avoid affiliation with other religions, adding that the group respects choices made by others. Believing in one true God Jehovah, JW believe in the Kingdom of God that will replace political leaders. “God’s kingdom will need to destroy the political kingdoms that want to continue to dominate mankind,” states JW literature.

Although their beliefs appear laced with evangelism and exclusivist teachings, JW have not been involved in violent acts. But the deadly explosions in Kochi pulled them into a political crossfire with MoS for Electronics and Information Technol­ogy Rajeev Chandrasekhar slamming the state government for “dirty shameless appeasement politics” and said open calls by Hamas for jihad were resulting in attacks and bomb blasts on innocent Christians. Kerala Police registered a case against the Union minister for his allegedly offensive comments and for promoting enmity between communities. Unfazed by the FIR filed against him, the minister said two of the “biggest ap­peasers” in Indian politics who mollycoddle “radical violent organisations like SDPI [Social Democratic Party of India], PFI [the banned Popular Front of India] and Hamas are trying to threaten me with a case for exposing their appeasement of Hamas.” The heated politics in Kerala took on a larger dimension when Prime Minister Narendra Modi, speaking at an event at the Statue of Unity at Kevadia in Gujarat’s Narmada district on October 31, said the practitioners of appeasement politics do not recognise the terrible nature of terrorism. “Those who practise appeasement feel no hesitation in standing alongside the en­emies of humanity. They are deficient in the investigation of terrorist activities and avoid acting firmly against anti-national elements. The path of appeasement is so dangerous… no soci­ety can benefit from such thinking,” Modi said. His reference to the refusal of Congress, the Left and some other opposition parties to refer to the Hamas attacks on Israel as terrorism was clear enough. It was also a response to the opposition alliance criticising the Modi government for abstaining from a vote in the United Nations that failed to mention Hamas and its terror attack on Israeli civilians on October 7. Modi’s sharp attack on appeasement politics as the biggest hurdle in India’s develop­ment came in the backdrop of a rally organised by the youth wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami on October 27 in Kerala which was addressed by Hamas leader Khaled Mashal. The ‘pro-Palestine’ rallies organised in Kerala have seen speakers describe Israel as a terrorist state and extol Hamas as freedom fighters leading to BJP ask how the glorification of a terror outfit was being permitted. With the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPM) leadership holding a protest in Delhi calling for a halt to “(Israel’s) genocidal aggression on Gaza,” on October 29, BJP has raised concerns that Islamist organisations are getting a free pass in Kerala.

DESPITE CONGRESS SLIGHTLY amending its posi­tion on the war in the Middle East after initially failing to mention the Hamas attack on Israel, a signed article by party leader Sonia Gandhi published on October 30 not only did not refer to the Hamas attacks as acts of terror but labelled Israel’s response as disproportionate. While Sonia said Congress had “unequivocally condemned Hamas’s attacks”, the party statement on October 8 had no reference to Hamas; nor were the killings of Israeli civilians described as acts of terror. The article, loaded with strong criticism of Israel for unleashing “death and destruction” in Gaza, does not refer to Hamas’ role and respon­sibility for the hardships of Gazans, its use of civilian facilities as cover for terrorist activities, or its continued rocket attacks on Israel. It is fairly clear as to where the balance of Sonia Gandhi’s and Congress’ sympathies lie with the article referring to the “painful history” of Palestinian dispossession and criticism of Israeli settlers (backed by the Israeli state) for “pushing out Palestinians from their own land”. Sonia has referred to senior Israeli officials speaking of destroying and depopulating large parts of Gaza. Israel Defense Forces (IDF) spokespersons have repeatedly said their objective is to remove Hamas’ control on Gaza and not reoccupy the territory they unilaterally vacated in 2005. Further, while criticising Israel for failing to distinguish between Hamas and ordinary Gazans, the Congress leader did not take note of repeated assertions by the terror group claiming all the land between the “river and the sea”—which amounts to an extinction of the State of Israel.

The political cover provided to anti-Israel groups amounts to an endorsement of their position that denies the Jewish state the right to exist, irrespective of passing references to the need for a “just peace” between Palestinians and Israelis. Lead­ers of organisations such as the Jamaat and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) leave little doubt about their sympathies for Hamas, with some arguing that even freedom fighters like Bhagat Singh were referred to as terrorists by the colonial power. The obvious lack of any parallel apart, there is no word of con­demnation for Hamas’ coldblooded slaying of Israeli civilians and kidnapping of women and even babies. It is this ideological myopia and religious dogmatism that find the ready support of anti-BJP parties who in turn accuse the saffron outfit of com­munal mobilisation. It is no surprise that Congress’ Kerala lead­ers are pushing for an even stronger line in support of Palestine even though Hamas can hardly be equated with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), which itself came to be seen as a supporter of terror acts. BJP is targeting Congress, as it often has in the past, for being soft on terror due to its dependence on “vote bank politics” or the need to cater to Islamists. The communal faultlines have not always worked to the benefit of BJP, but can be a cause for worry for its opponents. In an unrelated situation, the incumbent Congress government in Chhattisgarh is finding it challenging to deal with the fallout of communal violence in Bastar where it is facing tribal anger that may have a bearing on the ongoing state election.

The Jehovah’s witnesses case turned out to be an inside job. But the public mobilisation over Israel’s war against Hamas has the potential to deepen fissures in Kerala society already hurt by inter-faith disputes and issues like ‘love jihad’ alongside the proselytising activities of organisations that present themselves as charities

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The pro-Hamas mobilisation in Kerala does not come as a surprise. The politically permissive culture has seen the state become the base for PFI’s op­erations before it was banned. PFI not only planned violence in the state but used it as a staging ground to target and assassinate Hindutva figures in Karna­taka’s coastal region. The rapid rise of PFI before the Centre cracked down on it by conducting nationwide raids points to slack law and order and intel­ligence or, more worryingly, an indul­gence of the group and its violent agen­da. As many as 56 locations were raided in Kerala as part of the anti-PFI opera­tions in September last year. Earlier, when the Islamic State controlled parts of Syria and Iraq, Kerala accounted for a disproportionate number of Indians who went to wage ‘jihad’ in what they saw as a religious cause. In some cases, entire families left while others were apprehended before they could leave. When Indian investigators accessed women members of such families in Afghan jails prior to the return of the Taliban, they found them to be com­pletely radicalised and their return to India was not seen as desirable. To varying degrees, the two main politi­cal formations in the state led by CPM and Congress are more than prepared to play to the street sentiment when it comes to Islamist issues. In 2006, the Kerala Assembly passed a unanimous resolution seeking the release of Abdul Nasar Madani, then accused in the Coimbatore and Bangalore bomb blasts. Forums were formed in support of his political party, the People’s Democratic Party, and its leaders and legal aid was sought for Madani. The steady sup­port that fundamentalists and radical organisations have found from political parties and successive administrations has led to increased social tensions and bloody clashes but such groups continue to find political patronage.

The Jehovah’s Witnesses case turned out to be an inside job. But the public mobilisation over Israel’s war against Hamas has the potential to deepen fissures in Kerala society already hurt by inter-faith disputes and issues such as ‘love jihad’ alongside the proselytising activities of organisations that present themselves as charities. There are, of course, other narratives promoted by advocates of Christian and Hindu mobilisation which, at some level, are all influenced by one another. As long as parties in power in Kerala view mobilisations over ‘causes’ like Palestine through ideological and political lenses, the danger of the agita­tions taking violent turns is not far from the surface.

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Rajeev Deshpande

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