The Indian Imprint on G20

THE MASSIVE STONE façade of Udaipur’s City Palace draped in laser projections on cultural themes from Rajasthan seemed a fitting end to the first delib­erations of the G20 sherpas under India’s presidency. The dance and music extravaganza that preceded the light show was in many ways the most productive part of the meet­ing, showcasing as it did India’s soft power while also making a statement about its capacity to organise and stage mega events attended by hundreds of delegates from developed and leading emerging economies. The idea was to sell the Indian narrative as it has hardly been before and promote every aspect of Make in India, from millet cookies to India-made malts, with popular foreign brands noticeable by their absence at dinners served to delegates under cool starlit skies.

As the world looks to put the distress of Covid behind it— and confronts the fresh disruption of the Russian war against Ukraine—the time looks just right for India to assume the G20 presidency. The Ukraine war has sharpened geopolitical competition between Russia and the West, rendering G7 and elite groups like P5 dysfunctional. The United Nations, already hit by the pandemic that saw it shut shop for more than three months when the virus surfaced, is caught in the jet wash of the Ukraine conflict: boycotts, walkouts and angry resolutions have all but paralysed the Security Council. In a situation further ag­gravated by America’s rising tensions with China in the Indo-Pacific, com­munication between Washington, Kremlin and Beijing is poor and erratic. At just such a moment, India has the rare distinction of being a trusted part­ner for the developed world while also enjoying good ties with most emerg­ing economies. India’s presidency can be the bridge over divides that look near-irreconcilable. With the presiden­cies of Saudi Arabia and Indonesia hurt by Covid, and the world looking for urgent solutions to food supply and energy crises, India has the heft to bring about workable solutions, and importantly, also configure global institutions to better reflect its priorities.

The foundations for the purposeful discussions of the sherpas that included Russian, US and Chinese representatives, were laid in Bali where Prime Minister Narendra Modi took over the presidency from Indonesian President Joko Widodo who, incidentally like Modi, has won two terms since 2014 and made his name as a successful regional politician. In the backdrop of bitter differences over the Ukraine war, the crucial paragraph of the Bali leaders’ declaration that refers to the need to uphold international law and the multilateral system, and clearly states that the use or threat of use of nuclear weapons is inadmissible, was framed by India in consultation with other nations. “India was not at the apex committee meeting but the paragraph went through without any changes. And yes, Russia and China agreed to the text,” India’s G20 sherpa Amitabh Kant told Open. Senior US officials later acknowledged India’s role in ensuring the statement was finalised with key formulations like the grouping “deploring” Russian aggression but carefully noting that “most members” condemned the war. As some commentators point out, while chasing a seat in an expanded Security Council remains India’s political goal, the complex processes, requirements of a two-third vote in the United Na­tions General Assembly (UNGA) and competing claims make it a difficult task. Meanwhile, the rising relevance of the G20 that accommo­dates both developing and Western economies provides a more produc­tive and pragmatic platform that gives voice to the concerns of poorer nations through countries like India, Indonesia and South Africa.

The Indian objective is clear enough. The government intends to get several departments connected to the G20 presidency to work in a co­ordinated manner to speed up policy and governance goals that include promotion of green technology, ease of business, sustainable agriculture, Make in India and, not the least, tourism and culture. Internationally, building resilient supply chains for raw materials, food and energy, unhindered trade and meaning­ful cooperation between law enforcement agencies to check economic crime and repatriation of fugitives like loan defaulter Vijay Mallya, former IPL chief Lalit Modi and jewellers Nirav Modi and Mehul Choksi are high on New Delhi’s agenda. At the deliberations, Kant stressed the need for action against wanted individuals who often exploit loopholes in the laws of Western nations, particularly those relating to human rights and burden of proof, to roost in cities like London for years. Apart from Western cities, rich fugitives have found refuge in locations like the island states of the Pacific and the Caribbean to evade the law. “The prime minister wants to present the India story in all its vibrant colours to the world. This is an opportunity to make our case. The members of the G20 are reacting positively to our priorities which many of them share,” said Kant. Officials point out that G20 is not a formal grouping and its statements are not binding as such. But they do reflect consensus in a significant grouping on key issues that go well beyond finance and get members thinking about the need to frame appropriate poli­cies. “These discussions are very useful in getting nations and international organisations to consider measures to address emergent situations,” said OECD sherpa Andreas Schaal. Inter­national Monetary Fund (IMF) Deputy Director Kristina Kostial said there was hope that the Ukraine war would have ended by the time India’s presidency concluded next year. “This is really a key issue for all of us,” she said.

The government intends to get several departments connected to the G20 presidency to work in a coordinated manner to speed up policy and governance goals that include promotion of green technology, ease of business, sustainable agriculture, Make in India, as well as tourism and culture

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The India imprint at Udaipur began at the airport itself where a billboard stated: “India: The mother of democracy takes charge of the G20 presidency”. The emphasis is deliberate with officials linking it to the republics of Vaishali in 6th century BCE. There is a political subtext, too, with the government keen to counter crit­ics who have claimed that India has witnessed democratic back­sliding under BJP. Putting forward its best foot, which involves a full range of engagement of different states and display of cultural diversity, will counter such commentary, it is felt. The presidency will see more than 200 meetings through the next 12 months and the aim is to promote local products and culture at every venue. The technology track of the discussions permeates every work­ing group, including food security and tourism, and plans to curb corruption in public services. India sees G20 as a useful platform to press for significant reform of multilateral institutions and argued that the developing and least developed nations, includ­ing those from Africa, feel the need for a more participatory role in global decision-making. “All countries understand the need to align the structures for global governance with contemporary realities,” said the Indian delegation’s talking points.

India’s presidency seems to have got off to a good start with divisive issues being discussed—most members iterated the need to end the Ukraine war and the US representative went public about Washington’s intentions to keep up the pressure of sanctions—without disruptions. The meetings proceeded smoothly with bilateral chambers adjoining the large hall, where the delegates met, providing opportunities for informal discussion. There is a determination on the part of the Indian government to ensure there are clear deliverables on a long list of to-do items.

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Rajeev Deshpande

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