Natwar Singh (1929-2024): A Polymath’s Battle

DESPITE VERY DIFFERENT SYSTEMS of governments, bureaucracies—ranging from the communist apparatus of the Soviet Union to dicta­torships like the one Saddam Hussein presided over in Iraq—have one thing in common: They keep records. The Mitrokhin Archive were handwritten copies of KGB documents that disclosed, among other things, Soviet agents across the globe and in India’s context, details of how Indian communists received instructions and funds from masters in Moscow. When the Paul Volcker Report first became public, its contents did not seem particularly startling. After all, where was the surprise in the Saddam regime bending a humanitarian programme to sell oil to pay for foodgrains for Iraqi citizens into a multi-million dollar scam? Till it came out that Congress and Gandhi family loyalist Natwar Singh were named as non-contractual beneficiaries of oil contracts.

The timing of the disclosures could not have been worse for Singh, who passed away on August 10 at the age of 95. The unexpected defeat of the Vajpayee government saw the formation of a Congress-led coalition with Manmohan Singh as Prime Minister in May, 2004. Singh was appointed external affairs minister but his real power and influence derived from his proximity to Sonia Gandhi. In the years when Congress was in the Opposition, Singh could genuinely claim to have the Congress leader’s ear. He made no attempt to mask his proxim­ity to 10 Janpath, informing journalists—sometimes to their discomfiture—in Parliament’s Central Hall, that he had “con­veyed” their articles to Sonia. He did so quite unconsciously. His long career in Congress should have, however, set off alarms in his mind over the threat the Volcker Report posed to him.

As details of the report began to circulate, Singh’s rivals within a powerful coterie that surrounded Sonia sensed their moment. A silent power struggle had broken out within Congress after the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government took office about who would be durbari number 1. The late Ahmed Patel, who possessed a mind as sharp as his manner was mild, eventu­ally emerged as the key adviser to Sonia, but it was early days still. Singh’s rivals, who had little love lost for one another, swiftly joined hands against him. Here was an opportunity to get rid of one competitor and a deadly game of musical chairs left Singh stranded. The music stopped for him and he quit the Cabinet in Decem­ber 2005. An inquiry indicted him and exonerated Congress and an incipient investigation by the Directorate of Enforcement never went anywhere. Singh was suspended in 2006 and left Congress a couple of years later. The falling out with Sonia was bitter and his autobiography was a kind of “tell all”, claiming Sonia was reduced to tears after being served a fait accompli by son Rahul Gandhi that she should not be­come prime minister. The book One Life is Not Enough is a revealing window into the world of 10 Janpath and provides insights on Jawaharlal Nehru, Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi.

Natwar Singh felt he had been made a sacrificial lamb in the Volcker affair and his progression towards BJP was no surprise. In a recent interview, he had dismissed comparisons between Manmohan Singh and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, saying the former was never his own man

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In his short stint as foreign minister, Singh had firm views and opinions that were often at odds with the prime minister. He had little regard for Manmohan Singh who he saw as an “appointee” and visualised foreign relations through the lens of non-alignment, which he was a part of rather than the prime minister’s desire for closer ties with the US. In the days when UPA was just formed, Manmohan Singh struggled in dealing with assertive Sonia loyalists like Singh and Mani Shankar Aiyar who felt they could set policy on their own and were dismissive of the prime minister’s authority. It will therefore not be hard to conclude that Manmohan Singh was glad to see the back of Singh, just as he was glad that Arjun Singh was excluded from the UPA-II ministry. Singh felt he had been made a sacri­ficial lamb in the Volcker affair and his progression towards the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) was no surprise. In a recent interview, he had dismissed comparisons between Manmohan Singh and Prime Minister Narendra Modi, saying the former was never his own man as the reins of power were with Sonia.

Born in the Bharatpur family, Singh’s life as a career diplomat and later as politician is not lacking in drama and events. But it is his work as an author, and a famous friendship with British writer EM Forster, many years his senior, that adds fullness to his persona. He met Forster while at Cambridge and the association led to an entry into the world of letters and literature. Singh read voraciously and his intellectual development placed him well above his peers. His grounding in literature could have, if he had considered the matter, provided a clue about just how cut-throat politics is. Singh told an interviewer that shortly before she died, Indira Gandhi responded to his comments about acquiring a “khaddar kurta pyjama” with a pithy observation that a thick skin might be more useful in politics. Singh won his first election in 1984, though his record thereafter was patchy until he made it to Ra­jya Sabha in 2002. His ability to refer to books and speeches got him the attention of Sonia, who was looking for ideas and scripts to turn the fortunes of Congress during the tenure of the Vajpayee government. A discussion on books and essays with Singh was always engaging as he had incisive commentary to offer on good writing as also analysis of foreign policy and politics.

When he resigned, after turning down an offer to move to the tourism ministry as a temporary measure while an inquiry was in progress, and later when the probe did indeed indict him, Congress managers were con­cerned about what Singh would reveal if he chose to speak out. They knew Singh had an impetuous streak de­spite his image as a Gandhi loyalist. He did lash out, talking of attempts to ensure his silence and meet­ings held at the residence of an industrialist. He questioned the “leak” of the inquiry report and insisted benefits that allegedly accrued to persons close to him in the Iraq scam were normal business and hardly amounted to much. In his later years, as he faded from the public spotlight, Singh led a more private life and one far removed from the eminence he once enjoyed.

Singh was part of Congress (Tiwari) which had been formed by party rebels opposed to the leadership of PV Narasimha Rao, when the latter was prime minister. The outfit sought its legitimacy on the claim of being Gandhi loyalists and included Arjun Singh, Sheila Dikshit and ML Fotedar and others, besides ND Tiwari. Sonia’s formal assumption of the party leadership in 1998 brought former members of Congress (Tiwari) to prom­inence and Singh was part of the inner circle. His sense of hurt over being cast away was very palpable but any self-realisation that he might have erred was noticeably absent.

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Rajeev Deshpande

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