Modi 3.0 Warms the House

AT ABOUT half past noon on June 26, proceedings relating to the election of the speaker were winding down in Lok Sabha. Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Om Birla, re-elected speaker without any hiccups, finished thanking members and MPs were prepar­ing to exit the chamber. But Birla wasn’t done yet. The House censures the Emergency imposed in 1975 in stern words (kade shabd) and recognises the untold sacrifices of those who battled to protect India’s democracy, he said, reading out a prepared resolution. The ambush took Congress benches by surprise and as Birla carried on, Congress MPs rose in protest. Their uncertainty was evident as Congress leader Rahul Gandhi remained seated, unable to provide any direction to his flock. As the speaker asked members to rise for a moment of silence, senior Congress MP Kodikunnil Suresh beckoned Rahul to get up. He did so reluctantly, gesticulating his disagreement with the resolution that amounted to a condemnation of Congress under Indira Gandhi. Most CongressMPs, standing awkwardly in the aisles, might well have been thankful as other MPs rose to their feet.

The dilemma for Congress MPs was acute. They needed to register their objection but did not know quite how to go about it. In the end, they seemingly endorsed the denunciation of Emergency though much against their will. It was an anti-climactic finish to the initial proceedings of the new Lok Sabha that saw Congress and other I.N.D.I.A. bloc leaders holding aloft copies of the Constitution in keeping with their claim that the improved Opposition numbers reflect a push­back against erosion of democratic values under BJP. The protests of the I.N.D.I.A. leaders and the political point they sought to make were indeed troubling for BJP, which has regularly attacked Congress for having made constitutional institutions bend to serve the interest of its first family when the Opposition party was in office.

A riposte was on the cards and the 50th anniversary of the Emergency that infamously extinguished political rights and suspended civil liberties was just the occasion to flip the debate. Though Emergency may seem a fuzzy event to younger Indians, it provides a useful handle to corner Congress with even allies keeping their distance. Samajwadi Party leader Akhilesh Yadav was quick to note that it was not just BJP leaders who went behind bars during the Emergency and that leading Samajwadi and Janata Party figures were in jail too, before mildly adding that there was a limit to dwelling on the past. When it comes to the bleak legacy of the Emergency, no ally or partner will share Congress’ burden.

The resolution read out by the speaker predictably sparked a discussion on the propriety of the chair’s actions. Should not the resolution have been read out by a minister? There is little doubt that a recounting of the excesses of Emergency was intended to underline Congress’ culpability. But the unsavoury episode was undoubtedly a dark chapter in the nation’s history. How could a resolution condemning it be seen as a matter only concerning the treasury benches? Did not the speaker have the right to represent the sentiment of the entire House? The June 24 start for the new Lok Sabha was dictated by the electoral calendar but it was a coincidence that BJP did not fail to exploit. It would have been a poor comment on its political reflex had it missed the opportunity. The truth is that the ritual of speeches that greet­ed the speaker after his election was deceptive. Congress and its allies are determined to present themselves as saviours of constitutional freedoms and paint BJP as an oppressive force. Though BJP has not returned with the numbers it enjoyed in 2014 and 2019, it is not willing to countenance the claims of political rivals and ideological opponents. Rather, Modi 3.0 is keen to signal it will continue to act decisively, just as a party with a majority would, without succumbing to niggling doubt and uncertainty.

There is little doubt that a recounting of the excesses of Emergency was intended to underline Congress’ culpability. But the unsavoury episode was undoubtedly a dark chapter in the nation’s history. How could a resolution condemning it be seen as a matter only concerning the treasury benches? Did not the speaker have the right to represent the sentiment of the entire House?

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Expectations of commentators about how Parliament should function often go awry as they fail to consider that Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha are not driven by procedures that apply to Assembly lines. Parliament is the sum of the political system and importantly, parties and leaders who comprise it. There should be no doubt that India is in for a period of contentious politics. This has been the case since Prime Minister Narendra Modi first assumed office in 2014 and will only be more so now. BJP’s opponents have not accepted the legitimacy of its electoral victories, choosing to oppose most major legislations and policies, seeking to over­turn decisions through the courts at every turn. In Parliament, disruption has been the preferred weapon and there are indications that increased bench strength may persuade the Opposition to stick to this path. The view that BJP will not be able to ‘steamroll’ Parliament in all probability means more contestation and blockading. This will be a pity. Disruptions and washouts are subject to the law of diminish­ing returns as headlines become repetitive. Rather, the ability to deliver coherent and purposeful speeches questioning the government aid the cause of the Opposition. A government with adequate numerical strength—and the National Demo­cratic Alliance (NDA) adds up to 293—will always find a way to pass legislation, either in a din or by vote. The dynamics of Lok Sabha are such that BJP’s 240 MPs provide a solid ballast to NDA, and no other configuration appears feasible or stable. BJP’s major allies Telugu Desam Party and Janata Dal (U) do not have much to gain in opting for a precarious alternative which, among other things, will provide Congress the pole position.

The skirmishing over the Constitution and its values foreshadows a bigger battle for political legitimacy and which vision of India must prevail. AIMIM leader Asaduddin Owaisi’s “Jai Palestine” reference and invocation of RSS founder KB Hedgewar by BJP MP Atul Garg are symptoms of a deeper divide. President Droupadi Murmu’s address to the joint sitting of Parliament a day after the speaker’s election and the adop­tion of the Emergency resolution provides important clues to Modi’s thinking about his third term. The world recognises the people of India have voted to form a stable and clear majority government, she said. The government, the president said, will soon introduce a Budget which will be an impressive document representing far-reaching policies and a futuristic vision. “In this Budget, along with major economic and social decisions, many historical steps will also be taken,” she said. The statement of intent is evident enough and the Opposition should read it as an effort to look beyond the immediate cut and thrust of parliamentary tactics. There is a here and now in politics, the daily battles, that political parties cannot ignore. But Modi has shown an ability to keep a few steps ahead, anticipating what lies out of visual range. It is clear he is not only unwilling to concede ground to opponents but will double down on his key agendas. No full stops here.

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Rajeev Deshpande

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