A Bridge to the Church

THE STRAINS OF a catchy ‘Modi, Modi, Modi…’ poll ditty based on rock band Queen’s hit ‘We Will Rock You’ had barely subsided at the poll rally Prime Minister Narendra Modi was to address at Dimapur in Nagaland in February when a local leader called proceedings to order. “Now, as we begin the programme, we place our faith and destiny in the hands of God. I request the reverend to lead the invocation,” he said. As Modi looked on, a short prayer followed that sought, among other things, blessings for India’s secular de­mocracy. Less than two weeks later, the results of the Assembly election, declared on March 3, saw the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and ally Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) win­ning a second term in office with an increased number of seats.

This wasn’t the first time that a Modi rally in Nagaland was flagged off with a prayer though. Even during the 2018 campaign, a joint rally by Modi and NDPP leader Neiphiu Rio began in a similar fashion. And indeed, in keeping with the state’s tradi­tions, the NDPP-BJP government was sworn in last month to the cadences of a religious invocation. The alliance’s back-to-back win, in itself a rarity in the Northeast, was also remarkable for successfully overcoming a call by the Nagaland Baptist Church Council, asking voters to reject “communal forces working against Christians in India”—an unambiguous reference to BJP. Given that a majority of the state’s Christian population identi­fies itself as Baptist, the NDPP-BJP tally of 37 seats in the 60-member Assembly made it clear that the veto sought to be imposed by some church groups failed to have any impact contrary to media commentary and poll pundits.

While ripples in the Northeast, that are actually much more than straws in the wind, did not attract much comment, recent statements of church leaders in Kerala set off a more animated discussion. Though there had been some tentative contacts between church groups and BJP, the statement of the Thalassery Roman Catholic Church Archbishop Mar Joseph Pamplany’s remarks that the party’s lack of repre­sentation in the state could be overcome if the price of rubber procurement is upped to `300 from `120 set the cat among the pigeons. BJP lost no time in welcoming the reverend’s comments. Left and Congress leaders warned Chris­tians not to fall for BJP “doublespeak”, pointing to church groups having agitated over alleged atrocities against the community. In turn, BJP functionaries KJ Alphons and Tom Vadakkan accused the Left and Congress of targeting church leaders for comments supportive of the saffron party. The debate, though, did not die down. Rather, it gained legs with the metropolitan bishop of the Kunnamkulam Diocese of the Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church Geevarghese Mar Yulios, who said it would be unfair to hold Modi responsible for any and all tensions and clashes in a large, multicultural nation. Cardinal George Alencherry, head of the Syro-Malabar Church, in a recent interview with the New Indian Express, said that Christians do not suffer from a sense of insecurity and added that Modi had emerged as a “good leader” who is receptive and open. “The concept of harmony in Hinduism is very inspiring to me,” the cardinal noted.

Critics of the church leaders attribute many reasons for their remarks, including some denominations being caught in messy internal tussles and vexatious disputes over land and even criminal cases. The likely motives are no doubt a fair subject of analysis. Still, in the backdrop of the discussion, Modi’s visit to the Sacred Heart Cathedral in central Delhi on the occasion of Easter on April 9 where he greeted worship­pers and joined them in prayer, served to fuel arguments on either side further. Yet, this was not the first time that Modi had interacted with church leaders. On April 5, the head of the Malankara Orthodox Syrian Church Baselios Marthoma Mathews III met the prime minister to invite him to visit the con­gregation in Kerala. In rallies, Modi has sometimes lent on Biblical references to make his point, on one occasion, attack­ing the Left Front government in Kerala for playing “Judas” by betraying voters for small considerations. As he does with other religious denominations, he has regularly greeted Christians on holy days, as indeed have all prime ministers before him. The recent remarks by Kerala church leaders, reactions of BJP leaders and Modi’s church visit have, however, signalled new stirrings and undercurrents.

What should be made of Modi’s and BJP’s outreach? It may not yet be a full-fledged political enterprise, but it does add up to some important messages. Modi’s church visit is a signal, above all, to party cadre and leaders, and indeed, to the wider Sangh Parivar. It does mean that BJP functionaries are encouraged to engage with the Christian community and its leaders. Last Christmas, BJP workers in Kerala visited Christian homes and were pleasantly surprised that they were not unwelcome. “The point was that if our workers do not meet communities, why will they vote for BJP?” the party’s Kerala incharge Prakash Javadekar told Open. Similarly, Modi’s visit to the Vatican went down well. This does not mean that relations will change overnight. Many Sunday con­gregations see the clergy emphasise the need to preserve religious traditions, couching the message in the context of “atrocities and challenges” that the community is experiencing. Part of the animosity is driven by the perception of BJP as a “Hindutva” party with a majoritarian bias. The underlying fault line—though not the only one—is the contentious issue of conversions where the church and Sangh have been adversaries for decades. The mission of some church groups, supported by evangelical organisations in the West, to “harvest souls” has led to repeated friction and violence in tribal societies. Countering the church, the Vishva Hindu Parishad (VHP) has its own “ghar wapsi (home coming)” campaigns to stem the influence of missionaries.

Though still unfolding, Modi’s signalling on the church needs to be seen in the context of the current juncture in politics. BJP’s repeated poll victories (its resilience will be tested often this year) and the relentless decline in the fortunes of Congress are factors contributing to the discussion. In his lengthy interview, Cardinal Alencherry refers to both Congress’ flagging fortunes and reports of girls being lured into inter-faith marriages without explicitly using the term ‘love jihad’, to suggest voters are seeking alterna­tives. BJP, for its part, needs to move beyond the 11.5 per cent it got in the 2021 state polls. “Modi’s ratings are high, but need to be converted into support,” says Javadekar. The recent violence over conversions in Chhattisgarh is a pointer to unrest in a tribal society that cannot be put down solely to VHP’s mobilisation. Religious conversion in tight-knit traditional societies results in a radical change in customs relating to marriage, birth, death and worship for one section—giving rise to tensions that can lead to deadly violence. The questionable ethics of conversions, with the concomitant divisive consequences, are mostly absent from media reports and commentary on the issue. Social amity and the delicate balance between communities depend on being sensitive to one another’s concerns and can come about through genuine inter-faith dialogue rather than the strict letter of the law alone.

BJP’s increasing interaction with the church and Modi’s visit to the Sacred Heart Cathedral can help dial down the antagonism and create the right setting for concord. On his visit to the Mumbai campus of the Dawoodi Bohra community in February, Modi said he saw himself as a “family member” rather than a prime minister, marking a steady engagement with the Muslim sect. His visits to Sikh shrines have conveyed the message of respect and togetherness. The Easter visit is also a determined bid to transcend divisions and distrust.

community harmonyEasterNarendra ModiNew DelhiSacred Heart CathedralSangh Parivar