Rao As Bharat Ratna

THE MODI government’s decision to award India’s highest civilian honour Bharat Ratna to social justice icon Karpoori Thakur, BJP veteran LK Advani, farmer leader Chaudhary Charan Singh, and reformist Congress leader and former Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao generated considerable comment, not least for the timing of the decisions. It is, however, just a matter of fact that it is up to governments of the day to decide the awards. Of all the awardees, the late Narasimha Rao stands out as he was often not only denied his due but was subjected to undeserved calumny at the hands of partisan commentators. The decision not to allow Rao’s body to be brought to Congress headquarters after his death will haunt the party for a long time. Such pettiness showed how deeply the Congress first family nursed its dislike for the man. Rao’s chief sin was that he had sought to be his own man as prime minister. It is revealing that when Manmohan Singh became prime minister, he did not commit a similar mistake. As Rao’s finance minister, Singh saw at close quarters the dangers of ploughing an independent path. There is a need to grasp the importance of Rao’s tenure to understand why he deserves the recognition. He inherited a parlous economic situation and led a government that lacked a majority. He acted decisively to liberalise the economy and negotiated urgently needed loans with IMF. He did this while dealing with internal challenges led by Arjun Singh who had fancied his prospects for prime minister. Singh was not a dyed in the wool Gandhi loyalist but played the card to challenge Rao. Singh had his chance when kar sevaks demolished the Babri Masjid on December 6, 1992, but missed the opportunity by not resigning from the Cabinet that evening. Rao faced flak for the split in the Janata Dal faction led by the late Ajit Singh and the support of JMM MPs in the July 1993 no-trust vote that he won by a margin of 14 votes. The morality of the vote can be debated but Rao had few alternatives given internal saboteurs and the consolidation of opposition parties. Viewed in retrospect, the political uncertainty of a mid-term election may have cost India heavily at a time when the country was just about recovering from near-insolvency. Was Rao complicit in the demolition of the Babri Masjid, as his detractors allege? There is very little evidence to suggest so. With the benefit of hindsight and the accounts of those who met him before and after the event, it can be said that he was genuinely stunned. The controversy deflected attention from Rao’s achievements, such as his success in getting an all-party unanimous parliamentary resolution declaring Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) as part of India, formalising ties with Israel, furthering post-Cold War relations with the US and Western Europe, and opening a dialogue with China. There is no doubt he laid the foundation of the economic dividend driving India’s growth today.

Back from Qatar

The release of eight former Indian Navy personnel by Qatar is being attributed by some commentators to India’s purchase of gas from the Gulf state. Then there are reports of how “quiet diplomacy” worked. The truth is that economic interests and diplomacy are not airtight compartments. It will be a mistake to put down the release of the ex-naval officers to commercial interests alone. Securing their release was a fraught affair given the seriousness of the charges of alleged espionage against them. There was no guarantee that Qatar would consider the Indian request amid inflamed passions due to the Israel-Hamas war. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Qatar recently shows India’s relations with the Gulf nations have progressed well beyond immediate transactional issues and are now on a much surer footing on the basis of aligned economic, security, and strategic interests. Both India and the Gulf nations understand the benefits of building connectivity and investing in each other’s economies.

Maharashtra Message

The exit of Congress leader Ashok Chavan from the party has been in the works for a while. The leader from the state’s Marathwada region had, like many others in the party, found himself increasingly at odds and out of touch with the Congress leadership in the state and at the Centre. It is a matter of surprise that some media outlets took his remarks that he would not be joining BJP “immediately” at face value. He did so the very next day after he announced that he had severed ties with Congress. His father, SB Chavan, an old-school politician, was home minister in the PV Narasimha Rao government. Known to be close to Rao, Chavan Sr had held the rare distinction of retaining his portfolio for the entire Lok Sabha term of five years. BJP would be happy with Ashok Chavan’s entry at a time when the party is looking to consolidate Maratha support in the wake of the community’s quota demand.

Sonia Chooses Rajya Sabha

Congress leader Sonia Gandhi’s decision to seek a seat in Rajya Sabha has settled the question about her career in electoral politics but raised other questions—the foremost being whether the party can retain the Raebareli Lok Sabha seat if she does not contest. Congress depends on Samajwadi Party support and this may, despite some hiccups, continue to be the case. Yet, the other Gandhi bastion of Amethi fell in the 2019 election. This leads to the next question as to whether her daughter Priyanka would contest. Again, a tough question given that there is no safe seat for Congress in Uttar Pradesh anymore. And finally, there is an additional matter: Is 10 Janpath okay with the idea of both Priyanka and Rahul being in Lok Sabha? All matters needing careful consideration, even if Sonia’s seniority and the rigour of a Lok Sabha election make Rajya Sabha a preferred and sensible option.

PLACARDS PROSCRIBED

The just-concluded Budget Session of Parliament witnessed a lot less
disruption than the Winter Session when as many as 146 MPs were suspended for disrupting proceedings. The suspensions were revoked and events like defections of opposition parties to the ruling camp dampened the spirits of the I.N.D.I.A. bloc. The government’s Parliament managers are, however, determined to ensure the practice of carrying placards into the chambers is curbed. They point out that placards are meant for public demonstrations rather than the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha chambers where they are used to obscure cameras and block ministers speaking from the treasury benches. The practice began during the second tenure of the UPA government when Congress MPs from Andhra Pradesh continuously protested either for or against the creation of Telangana. It was an odd sight as MPs from the ruling party led the obstruction, raising placards and banners in defiance of presiding officers elected by UPA itself.

About The Author

Open