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A Handle on Bonds
Narendra Modi’s comments on the electoral bonds case stand out as he suggested that while there is room for improvement in political funding, the Supreme Court’s decision to scrap the initiative altogether was a case of throwing the baby out with the bathwater
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05 Apr, 2024
(Illustrations: Saurabh Singh)
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent interview to Thanthi TV was important for many reasons relating to BJP’s strong outreach to Tamil Nadu where Modi has held several roadshows. But his comments on the electoral bonds case stand out as he suggested that while there is room for improvement in political funding, the Supreme Court’s decision to scrap the initiative altogether was a case of throwing the baby out with the bathwater. He reacted sharply to a question whether making political donors and recipients public was a setback to BJP and said there was no reason to reach such a conclusion. He flipped the question on the interviewers, asking if there was any record at all about political donations prior to 2014. The electoral bond scheme was brought in after the Modi government assumed office and enabled funding through tax-paid money even if the donors were not revealed. The Supreme Court’s verdict has opened the doors to an open season of speculation as regards connections between donors and contracts they received, irrespective of the lack of evidence that the projects might be tainted in any way. The bonds, said Modi, at least provide information about who purchased them and who received the funding, which is a big change from the complete opacity of the past. The strong defence of the electoral bond scheme was followed by a hint that those who had raised the issue would find themselves on the backfoot. Congress’ lengthy response on X to the prime minister’s remarks does not seem to have found many takers going by the comments posted by social media users. A large number of social media users pointed out the obvious—that Congress did very little to enhance transparency of political funding when it was in office from 2004 to 2014 and has no answers to questions relating to that period. Some commentators suggested Congress could voluntarily declare its donors in the pre-electoral bond period if it were indeed committed to disclosure in funding.
Himachal Moves
BJP’s decision to nominate six Congress rebels who were disqualified from the Himachal Pradesh Assembly for the seats they vacated is not just a decision driven by their support for its Rajya Sabha candidate. It is a serious bid to inject a new element in the BJP state unit that has suffered from factionalism, with some leaders developing a sense of entitlement. The claims of local BJP leaders have been given short shrift in the nominations with the newcomers seen as politicians capable of winning their seats. The development is a fresh headache for the Sukhvinder Sukhu government as BJP presses home the message that Congress is not capable of delivering a stable government. The factionalism in Congress runs even deeper and Sukhu has found his authority challenged by state party chief Pratibha Singh who decided, perhaps wisely, not to contest the Mandi Lok Sabha seat where BJP has fielded Bollywood star Kangana Ranaut. The next episode of the political drama is likely to play out after the Lok Sabha polls.
Odisha Opportunity
After BJP’s talks with BJD fell through, there has been an influx of BJD leaders joining the saffron camp. After senior leader and Cuttack MP Bhartruhari Mahtab and actor and former MP Sidhant Mohapatra, Kendrapara MP Anubhav Mohanty and five-term MLA Arabinda Dhali also joined BJP, as have a couple of former MLAs. The newcomers are BJD leaders of standing and are expected to help BJP in the Odisha Lok Sabha as well as Assembly elections which coincide as in Andhra Pradesh. In view of the developments, it does appear that BJP’s decision not to enter into a poll pact with BJD in the hope of sweeping all of Odisha’s 21 seats was a good call. Many in BJD who were hoping to shift allegiances due to their unhappiness over the rise of former bureaucrat VK Pandian in the party were worried that an alliance would end their options. BJP leaders had been reporting a pro-Modi swell in the state and while there was some apprehension that this view might be in part prompted by their dislike of BJD, it is now felt BJP has a good chance of improving its Assembly tally of 23. BJP sources say the party’s target of 50 seats does not look as impossible as it did a fortnight ago. They point out that there was a possibility that a BJD-BJP pact might have diverted voters unhappy with the Naveen Patnaik government towards Congress. Now BJP has an opportunity to cement its position as the alternative to BJD.
Manifesto Duty
The task of overseeing the BJP manifesto has fallen on Defence Minister Rajnath Singh who is also contesting the Lucknow seat. The seasoned politician is no stranger to handling political assignments although the manifesto is different from managing elections or bringing about a change of leadership in a state. Singh has been busy with the elections even though his seat polls on May 20 in the fifth phase. The BJP manifesto is expected to be a very detailed document with sub-committees headed by ministers sorting inputs on various sectors. Singh is seen to have the political smarts needed to filter thousands of suggestions into a document that voters can relate to rather than being a perfunctory exercise that no one bothers about after it is released. The BJP manifesto is expected to be ready close to the first phase of elections scheduled for April 19.
Congress’ Delhi Loss
As the BJP versus AAP battle of words plays out, Congress may have the most to lose. Having allied with AAP in Delhi, Congress is finding itself confronted with the statements of its leaders accusing the Delhi government of complicity in the liquor excise policy scam. Not only does the party find itself in the same quarter as AAP, defending its new ally on corruption charges may mean it has lost an opportunity to win back the vote bank it had ceded to Arvind Kejriwal’s outfit. Congress had finished second in 2019 in Delhi, a reflection of the perception of anti-BJP voters that the party, rather than AAP, was a contender for office. This time round, Congress has sealed its ‘vote transfer’ to AAP and it will be a bipolar contest in the national capital. The thinking in the Congress camp is that the alliance will gain the consolidated Muslim vote. After all, being second is no consolation if you don’t win any seat. But this also leaves voters unhappy with AAP with no option but BJP. It is no surprise Congress leaders in Punjab have largely kept a studied silence on the arrest of the Delhi chief minister and have even admitted AAP leaders into the party even as Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann shares the stage with Rahul Gandhi in Delhi.
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