Talking Democracy

In his Mann ki Baat radiocast, Prime Minister Narendra Modi spent some time dwelling on India’s ancient links with democratic governance. He pointed to inscriptions in Tamil Nadu that set out in detail the functions and representative mechanisms of a gram sabha and also pointed to similar examples in other regions. This is not the first time that Modi has spoken of India being the “mother of democracy”. Signboards to this effect greet visitors to G20 events and at airports. In his radio talk, the prime minister urged people to take pride in India’s democratic heritage and speak about it to educate others. Mann ki Baat is largely apolitical and Modi uses a “fireside chat” tone to converse with his audience, often referring to examples of individual enterprise to present positive and uplifting stories. His focus on India’s democratic roots is partly more of the same. But it is also a way to counter incessant criticism from sections of Indian and foreign commentators and BJP’s ideological opponents that India is “backsliding” on democracy or is becoming an “electoral autocracy”. By invoking the robustness of Indian democracy—vigorously contested state and local elections happen through the year—Modi is looking to showcase India’s democratic character rather than being defensive.

Scamming A Scheme?

Almost since the launch of MGNREGA, the debate over whether the scheme is ‘underfunded’ has occupied policy wonks, activists and, of course, political parties. As might be expected, the discussion has strong political overtones with some of the scheme’s original backers, who flourished when UPA was in office, insisting that the current government was either diluting it or delaying payments. Despite a prominent UPA minister once describing MGNREGA as a scheme to “dig holes”, the Modi government did not dismantle it but sought to make it more accountable by reforming the payment process and geotagging the work commissioned. As far as the funding is concerned, the scheme is demand-driven and if more work is generated, the Centre is bound to fund it irrespective of the budgeted amount. But over time, some worrying evidence of likely misuse has emerged. Some states in particular have not been as scrupulous in ensuring that funds are transferred to beneficiaries and that work commissioned gets completed. It would seem the system is being gamed and money siphoned off. Also, some better-off states seem to be using the scheme more than others where poverty levels are higher. A review is now under way and the results of the study should be out soon.

Breathing Easy

The ‘Ides of January’ it would seem has come and gone for Central ministers. A meeting of the Council of Ministers called on January 29 did quicken a few heartbeats, but that is not how ministerial reshuffles happen. With the Budget session of Parliament underway, the possibility of Cabinet changes has receded for now and sundry ministers are breathing easier.

Tripura Times

The Tripura elections, even before campaigning begins in earnest, have provided a few interesting twists. The new regional outfit Tipra Motha, lead by erstwhile royal Pradyot DebBarma, emerged as a likely force in the run-up to the announcement of poll dates. His rallies drew crowds and soon he was negotiating with BJP in Tripura and later in New Delhi. Meanwhile, BJP kept its lines open with its existing ally, the Indigenous People’s Front of Tripura (IPFT), which is today a somewhat weakened force. DebBarma’s demand for an explicit commitment to a “Greater Tipraland” was a stumbling block for BJP as it would lead to more such demands, not the least in Nagaland which is also going to polls. After keeping DebBarma engaged in discussions, BJP suddenly announced its tie-up with IPFT which got five of the 12 seats where the saffron party did not announce candidates. This took the Tipra Motha leader by surprise and he found IPFT stalwarts avoiding his calls. There may well be time for more last-minute adjustments but BJP seems to feel that it has the support it needs and that DebBarma may not be able to upset the applecart beyond a few constituencies. At the same time, IPFT is looking at an additional seat and could well get it.

Stocking Up

The latest rabi season sowing data shows a satisfying increase in the coverage of wheat and rice as well as oilseeds. There is a smaller rise in the acreage of pulses and coarse grains. But with the cereals looking good, the Centre will soon need to pay attention to procurement. Farm production will help bolster food security at a time when the Ukraine war has created a crisis in agricultural commodity supplies. But the focus is also on the Food Corporation of India (FCI) in the light of recent CBI raids on locations in Punjab, Haryana and Delhi during which a senior official was arrested along with some mill owners. The ‘scam’ relates to poor quality foodgrain being procured with large sums of money changing hands. CBI acted on tip-offs that the nerve centre of this fiddle was in Punjab after complaints of poor quality foodgrain being supplied as part of PDS. There are additional complaints of unsold higher-quality rice varieties, which are not procured, finding their way into FCI stocks. Though FCI has been subjected to inspections and technology has aided the monitoring of purchase and stocking, the corporation remains a problem area. This time round, the government is trying to sort out matters before the high-volume procurement begins in March.

Playing Games

Every time an election approaches in Maharashtra, the figure of Prakash Ambedkar tends to loom much larger than should be the case in relation to his vote share. The head of the Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) party and BR Ambedkar’s grandson, Prakash Ambedkar and his party may not win many seats but can eat into others’ votes. He is believed to have played spoilsport, particularly for Congress and Sharad Pawar’s NCP during the last state elections. He has now resurfaced in the context of the fast approaching civic elections in Mumbai which are a major trial of strength between the BJP-Eknath Shinde combine and the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA). It appeared that Ambedkar was keeping his options open and seeking a good bargain until recently when he announced an alliance with the Uddhav Thackeray-led Shiv Sena in December. But then he was seen calling on Chief Minister Shinde a little over a month later. Then last week, Ambedkar and Thackeray seemed to have worked something out, formally announcing their alliance and claiming VBA was joining MVA. Instead of speculation dying out, the political grapevine was soon abuzz with Ambedkar accusing Pawar of being in cahoots with BJP—and the Maratha strongman ruling out the Dalit leader’s participation in MVA. Ambedkar has played this game for a long time now. All the players know each other and, at some time or other, have sought to use each other. As of now, Ambedkar has exposed fissures within the NCP-Uddhav-Congress triumvirate.

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