BJP’s Manifesto Surprise

THE RELEASE OF BJP’s election manifesto poured cold water over media outlets waiting to claim ‘credit’ for scooping its contents. There was no enhancement of the ₹6,000 a year PM Kisan Samman Nidhi (paid out to
farmers in three instalments) or anything else that can qualify as a giveaway or “revdis (sweets)”, as Prime Minister Narendra Modi describes freebies. The contrast from the populist promises in the Congress manifesto could not be starker. Similarly, the stated commitment to “one nation, one election” and Uniform Civil Code (UCC) is polar opposite to Congress’ support for different sets of personal laws or I.N.D.I.A. bloc member DMK’s opposition to the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and the national entrance examination for medical education. Ahead of the 2019 election, too, BJP did not succumb to the temptation to match Congress’ promise for a ₹72,000 annual payout to the farmers. The prime minister is understood to have asked anxious party leaders whether taking recourse to such populism would not amount to accepting that government programmes have failed. If the government had indeed delivered then there is no need to make irresponsible promises, he said. The manifesto reveals a plan to grow the economy and provide more job opportunities (increase the size of the cake so that more resources are generated). It provides for targeted interventions that will help those who need assistance, and cannot depend on a ‘trickle down’ effect. Modi therefore reiterated his commitment for providing eligible households with free rations for another five years and announced that the Ayushman Bharat medical insurance scheme will be extended to all senior citizens above the age of 70. This is a key announcement as many people retire without adequate insurance cover, or even lack it during their working lives. Many insurance providers do not offer cover beyond a certain age or demand a high premium, leaving the elderly in a precarious situation at a time when they might most need medical assistance. This is a move towards a universal health cover. The BJP manifesto clearly demonstrates the party’s conviction that blandishments offered by its rivals will not strike a chord with voters.

No Candles for Soren

While the arrest of Delhi Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal in connection with alleged irregularities in the Delhi liquor policy and his subsequent efforts to procure bail have garnered widespread attention, there is hardly any discussion about former Jharkhand Chief Minister Hemant Soren who was arrested by the Directorate of Enforcement on January 31 and remains in custody. It is odd that Soren’s arrest and continued incarceration is hardly being noticed, even by commentators who have criticised Kejriwal’s arrest as an act of political vendetta. On his part, Soren did not dally in selecting a successor and stepped down as chief minister. This was, of course, not exactly a voluntary act but perhaps a wise one given the circumstances. As is quite evident, it is simply not possible to run a government from prison. It is inevitable that official functioning will suffer causing inconvenience to people. Soren ensured Jharkhand has a functional government, even if one that is run by proxy. This is the practical aspect of the situation, though political morality demands that a politician step down from office in case of being arrested.

Congress’ Delhi Choices

After much deliberation, Congress announced its candidates for the three Lok Sabha seats it is contesting in Delhi, naming former JNU student leader Kanhaiya Kumar from North East Delhi, Dalit activist Udit Raj from North West Delhi and veteran JP Agarwal from Chandni Chowk. The selection is underwhelming. Only Agarwal has a certain standing in a constituency he has represented in the past and enjoys a reputation for being accessible and helpful. Kumar is up against popular BJP leader Manoj Tiwari who has been an effective MP and has a large fan base that tunes into his Bhojpuri songs and movies. While Kumar has a flair for oratory, it is more suited to union meetings and sloganeering. The former JNU student president, who came into the limelight for organising a meeting in support of Afzal Guru—convicted for his role in the 2001 Parliament attack case—could not be accommodated in Bihar where Congress ally RJD did not play ball. Raj, meanwhile, won on a BJP ticket in 2014 but soon became a malcontent when his requests and demands fell on deaf ears.

Hit Job Backfires

A report in a foreign publication claiming the Indian government has carried out targeted hits on terrorists in Pakistan came unstuck due to several obvious inaccuracies. But even more galling for the publication and a section of commentators, the report ended up having the opposite effect to the one hoped for. Rather than placing the Modi government—which denied the report—in the dock, the report was held up on social media as evidence that India will not take cross-border terrorism lying down. The story mutated rapidly and soon it hardly bore any resemblance to the original. The reference to the publication was soon lost and the story became one of the government’s resolute intent to combat terror. It is no wonder that no opposition party wasted time in trying to rake up the report. The question whether any dark operations have been carried out is hard to answer. The jihadist groups who operate from Pakistan are riven with rivalries and factions and it is not impossible for one to turn the gun on the other. The shooting of the killer of Indian prisoner Sarabjit Singh, who was murdered in a Pakistan jail as “revenge” for Guru’s hanging, by “unknown gunmen”, is the latest such instance. The killers were clearly locals. Lashkar-e-Taiba chief Hafiz Saeed narrowly escaped a bomb attack at his residence in 2021. A senior official had at the time informally noted that if the ball was dribbled into the D but a goal did not result, it could not be described as a success.

Himanta’s Dance Moves

In addition to his many talents, Assam Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma can sway gracefully to music. It might be a stretch to describe his moves as dance as media outlets have done, but he has a feel for rhythm. Sarma’s rallies see him mouthing and shuffling to the BJP poll song that appeals for another term for Prime Minister Modi. Sarma has proved a remarkable politician and has come into his own after he left Congress and joined BJP. He knit a well-functioning alliance of regional parties and in Assam itself he has vigorously altered the terms of discourse. He has assertively propelled BJP on a Hindutva path and simultaneously linked this with the state’s identity. In contrast to the view that Assam comprises various ‘subcultures’ that need to be treated differently, he has re-written the script by presenting illegal migration from Bangladesh as the common threat to all native and indigenous groups. This has enabled BJP to overcome the divide between Bengali speakers and others. It has also meant there were hardly any protests when the CAA rules were announced, despite certain contradictions with the Assam Accord of 1985.

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