‘Modi Will Be Credited with Undoing the Culture of Appeasement’

As the election nears its end, are you confident BJP has been able to convey its narrative?

As the elections proceeded, the opposition manufactured one narrative after another. That’s because they had no answer to the huge development that has taken place under the Modi government. And the development achieved is beyond comparison. We had 145 medical colleges in the government sector, today we have added 260. You had 70-odd airports and now you have 150 or so. You had 700 universities in the government sector in the previous six decades and you have almost 300-odd added in three years. Metro construction was 600 metres per month and it is now 6 km a month. It is so evident the opposition has no answers. The welfare schemes are reaching the needy irrespective of caste, creed or vote-bank considerations. The lists of beneficiaries are prepared fairly. Collectors were asked to prepare lists of PM Awas beneficiaries without any consideration for caste or religion. The opposition was at a loss. They seized on anything that came by. They spoke of the Covid vaccine in light of some reports. Then they said the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) would deprive people of citizenship whereas the law actually provides citizenship to those deprived of it—people who suffered untold hardships and deserved Indian citizenship. This was a false narrative. Then they said BJP would deprive Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) of reservation, which was never said by BJP and never thought of by anyone. All these narratives were sought to be created as they did not have any concrete issues to counter the 10 years of achievements whether in infrastructure or welfare schemes. Despite Covid, no one went to sleep hungry. The free ration scheme continues. And India’s economy rose from No 11 to No 5. These false narratives fell apart and voters have distinguished the grain from the chaff. Even family members, particularly women, may vote for Modiji.

BJP has argued that Congress and other members of the I.N.D.I.A. bloc are the ones communalising the poll discourse by promising and implementing quotas based on religion. But is the message reaching voters?

Gradually, people have realised Congress and its allies have used religion as a vote bank. They have been at it for the last more than half-a-century. Congress has simultaneously allied with the Muslim League in Kerala and the Shiv Sena in Maharashtra. They are trying to hob-nob with all shades of extremist vote banks. And yet claim to be secular. They would provoke Hindu sentiments on certain occasions and then Muslim sentiments on another. This was a matter of convenience to garner votes. Prime Minister Modi will be credited by historians and political scientists for undoing this culture. He has presented a counter-culture. I have seen in Uttar Pradesh colonies and colonies where kuccha houses have been converted to pucca ones. I have asked some of the beneficiaries: “Did you vote for BJP?” They said they did not but now they are thinking afresh. The norm that you contest elections on the basis of religious sentiments no longer works. Younger people understand this and they realise this is the path to a better future.

How would you explain the nationalist, cultural identity BJP stands for? For a long time the views of people like Syama Prasad Mookerjee were relegated to the sidelines but are finding a new relevance.

We have a prime minister who has the capacity to bind this large and diverse nation with a single cord. I have been witness to his visits to all parts of the country and wherever he went he was greeted by people regardless of religion, region and language. This is because he is able to convince people about his commitment to delivering justice to all. This means democracy is really flourishing.

You hold charge of several departments. What will be the priority areas—whether for reforms in bureaucracy, development of Indian AI capacities, or the next frontier in space?

You saw India was the first to land on the south pole of the moon though we were behind in the space race. We were just beginning when the Americans stepped on the moon. Our mission is totally indigenous. Next year we will send a human to space and that is our programme too. The other part is that we are at par with the rest of the world in innovative and advanced areas of technology. In the past we were catching up, we missed important revolutions and advancements. We were a decade behind. Look at television that came to the US and the UK in the 1950s. We had rudimentary television for decades, and everyone would wait for programmes like <Chitrahaar> with bated breath. Today if we look at quantum technology, we are among the six-seven elite nations. The same goes for AI. Other countries are taking cues from us. A notable example is when Prime Minister Modi went to Washington last year, his hosts suggested Indian astronauts be made part of their programme. They realised there is a value addition if Indian experts join the mission. India has shown that it can take a lead in many of these fields.

Talking of bureaucracy, one aspect is about training and re-training, but the larger objective is about changing the way government thinks about public service.

I can give you many examples. Immediately after the government was formed in 2014, Department of Personnel and Training (DoPT) issued a circular allowing self-attestation. Previously students and job applicants had to go to a government servant for attestation of documents. It was a sea change. We said that we trust the youth unless there is evidence of wrongdoing. Then interviews for many posts were abolished. The Staff Service Commission (SSC) conducted all the entrance examinations in just two or three languages. Now examinations are held in 13 languages and more are being added. Mission Karmayogi is a big step towards allowing people to self-educate and self-evaluate. The accountability of the civil services has increased. We also introduced lateral entry in a systematic manner, through UPSC. Procedures were laid out. There is an attempt to reform, through an institutionalised process, not subjectively.

The vigour of electioneering in Kashmir and the participation of people in voting is a significant development. What does this mean for politics in J&K?

What we are witnessing in J&K is the real celebration of democracy in letter and spirit. The Anantnag-Poonch-Rajouri constituency has seen a large turnout that is a record. The participation we are seeing was unimaginable a few years ago. This is the answer to those who ask what has changed after the removal of Article 370. The leaders of Congress, National Conference, or the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), who ask this question, have been given an answer by the people. In the past campaigning was limited and sometimes polling did not cross 10 per cent, raising a question about the quality of the mandate. When NC and PDP were in office either singly or in combination or in alliance with Congress, they could not hold rallies and campaign as is now the case. This is Prime Minister Modi’s biggest achievement, the transformation that we are seeing in J&K and more so in the Valley.

What are the most important elements of the Centre’s strategy?

There is a two-pronged strategy. There is zero tolerance for Pakistan-sponsored terrorism. This was accompanied by deterrent action, such as making habitual stone pelters ineligible for government jobs. This was done in a very determined manner. In the past, Kashmir-centric parties had their own interests and could not act decisively against these elements. Often their own cadres were involved. We had 59-60 per cent polling in a constituency in the fifth phase in the Valley at a time when the national average was similar.

PDP and NC continue to raise the issue of Article 370.

The common citizen in Srinagar is not concerned about Article 370. The truth is those who were projecting themselves as advocates of Article 370 were those who abused it the most. Article 370 was used as an alibi to promote their own continuance in power, generation after generation.

Article 370 created a divide between J&K and the rest of the country and also between Jammu and Kashmir. Do you see this divide narrowing?

The divide happened because most of the time Kashmir-centric parties were in office. Their vote-bank politics saw these parties discriminate against Jammu. They saw political dividends in doing this. Now all projects and resources are being equally distributed, this is one of the few places where you have two AIIMS, one for Srinagar and one for Jammu. The so-called special status created mental barriers. The indulgences this offered and the fact that many provisions of the Constitution did not apply to J&K made people believe they were different and others saw them in the same light. The feeling of belonging is now increasing.

Why did BJP not field candidates in the Valley? It is being said BJP is supporting proxies.

This is a strategic decision—not to field candidates in the Valley. It is related to national priorities and concerns and that is why the BJP leadership took the decision. When we support a certain party, it is not fair to describe them as proxies. We have a larger umbrella of NDA.

Is it now certain the state elections will follow the Lok Sabha polls?

Once the prime minister has spoken of state elections, there is no need for any further clarification. Even before Article 370 was removed, it was the prime minister’s vision to introduce grass-roots democracy through district development councils. The local development funds were going to the chief minister’s office or the relevant state ministry. Not directly to the panchayats. This meant they were doling out funds at their discretion and for their benefit. The irony is that these parties (PDP and NC) were the ones talking about autonomy and self-rule. They perhaps meant “rule of self.” The 72^nd and 73^rd Constitutional Amendments were not implemented despite being legislated during the Congress tenure under Rajiv Gandhi. The governments in J&K had a vested interest in not promoting grassroots democracy as they wanted to centralise power. These amendments are now being implemented after abrogation of Article 370 and the sarpanches have access to funds. They talked of self-rule and autonomy but did not empower panchayats and neither established district councils. Prime Minister Modi took a personal interest in making sure local bodies were put in place. He went to J&K and personally interacted with elected representatives. This was a personal outreach and commitment.

In the last state election in 2014, BJP set a target of ‘Mission 44’. Is the party aiming to form the government when elections are held?

When elections happen, we will go with the target of 50-plus. This has been set out by the party. BJP, for the first time, is gaining a pan-J&K following. It is a healthy development.

In that case, will a Hindu chief minister be acceptable?

I can’t say that, but I think we can say we can have a BJP chief minister. It could be a Hindu, a Muslim or a Sikh but we will have a BJP chief minister if our party forms the government. It will be more appropriate to say “BJP chief minister” as BJP does not believe in the politics of caste, creed or religion. It would not be fair to say “Hindu chief minister”. I would refrain from that description. From any region, but belonging to BJP.

About The Author

Rajeev Deshpande

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