Betting on the Future

BOLLYWOOD ICON HEMA MALINI is a fleeting presence in the Lok Sabha constituency of Mathura she had won twice in a row. As per opinion in the villages and kasbas (towns) that dot the road to the pilgrimage centre of Vrindavan, the local MP is not much seen except at election time. For many of her constituents, she remains a glamorous chimera, more visible on television during ad breaks than in the vicinity. Minding a large constituency can be challenging and Malini has countered the criticism by asserting that Vrindavan is her home forever. But for all the discussion around her candidature, she seems on course to a third successive term in Lok Sabha, an increasingly rare distinction as voters become more demanding and political preferences shift in keeping with the churn in societal aspirations.

It is not that the political landscape of Mathura and Vrindavan is immune to rising expectations and social mobility. In populous clusters like Chhata, Barsana and Govardhan, which retain their rural character, there are local discontents agitating young and old alike. There is a promised sugar mill in the works for much too long, irregular procurement procedures for the harvested wheat, complaints about mismanagement of local temples, petty corruption and demands for higher compensation for land ac­quired by local authorities. All this and more is being actively discussed and debated even a week after the vote was cast in this patch on April 26. Open’s travel through the region found elec­tions continuing to be the subject of debate and providing point­ers to the reasons for the choices that voters made amid a swirl of arguments and contentions. A drop in voting percentage to 49.3 from 61 in 2019 in the Mathura Lok Sabha seat has sparked specu­lation about the outcome. While the apparent apathy—some locals said the election was “niras (lacklustre)”—might speak of a certain ennui, reading more would be a dicey proposition.

It’s still early, just past 8AM at a locality around where the Old GT Road reaches Chhata. In a lane that abuts a Muslim local­ity, a group of shopkeepers is sitting near a small temple. Plastic chairs are set out and the arrival of a visitor occasions a round of tea served in small paper cups. A middle-aged man, following the dissection of voting keenly, keeps out of the conversation for the most part. Just as problems posed by ‘salty’ ground water are being considered, the Yogi Adityanath government’s achievements in ensuring transparent recruitment in public services as well as law and order come in for favourable mention. Will this work in favour of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)? Do people still make a comparison with the Samajwadi Party’s (SP) tenure? “No one has forgotten how things were when SP was in office,” the silent lis­tener butts in, reminding the more voluble of the company of his presence. A paper leak forced authorities to cancel a police recruit­ment test and while the incident rankles, the state government’s processes are seen to be fair and transparent. A retiree offers that two sons and a daughter have been selected for government jobs without any money changing hands. A younger man, returning to his residence with a young child, vehemently endorses Yogi for ending “goonda raj (criminalisation)”, saying the chief minister has been unsparing in dealing with troublemakers. The percep­tion that SP rule was synonymous with extortion and communal considerations is deeply embossed in the minds of voters, overrid­ing grouses with aspects of their current situation. These areas of friction might become more pronounced in an Assembly election but, at present, Adityanath has done enough to ensure the mo­mentum that propelled BJP to two successive majorities in the state is undiminished. Similarly, Prime Minister Narendra Modi is held in good regard for providing strong leadership on issues of national security and resolving lingering disputes by facilitating the construction of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya and scrapping provisions of Article 370 with regard to Jammu & Kashmir. Going by caste affiliations, the shopkeepers could be seen as BJP support­ers. But the affirmation that they voted BJP, despite grouses, indi­cates that the party’s ‘double engine’ pitch is delivering results, helped by rival SP-Congress being seen as an unpalatable alternative.

Nandgaon is a biggish village on the way to Barsana—the latter famous for pilgrim sites as well as a unique Holi celebration—and is part of the Mathura- Vrindavan area’s religious tourism. Some half-a-dozen young men sitting on motor­cycles await devotees to ferry to the Nand Bhavan temple, dedicated to Nand and Yashoda, who raised Lord Krishna. They have time on their hands and speak of a sugar mill that has been promised but is yet to become operational. This, they say, is a big issue as the mill is seen to be a likely driver of economic activity, particularly for the smaller farming families they hail from. Their other griev­ance is about the priests who run the temple and who, according to them, fix procedures in arbitrary ways. “There is no regular ticket system. The darshan (offering prayers) is denied to some and granted to others,” says Rahul who works to supplement his family’s farm income. Which way did the vote go? The question is easily answered, with the men agreeing it favoured BJP. “The voting was about support for Modi. Nothing much to do with the candidate,” they say, echoing the sentiment in Chhata. This might be the reason for low polling too, they feel, adding that the opposi­tion did not appear to have mounted a credible challenge. They seemed inclined towards Congress nominee Mukesh Dhangar, who was fielded after boxer Vijender Singh unexpectedly joined BJP. The I.N.D.I.A. bloc was calculating on a Jat candidate against Hema Malini, but settled for an OBC leader instead. The motor­cycle riders at Nandgaon are all Jats, and despite their cribs, do not anticipate a major shift in loyalties. They acknowledge that BJP’s alliance with Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) leader Jayant Chaudhary will help the party consolidate the community’s support—pres­ent in significant numbers in the Mathura Lok Sabha seat—and cement the National Democratic Alliance’s (NDA) prospects.

IT IS PERHAPS telling that Yogi Adityanath campaigned in Mathura calling on voters to support BJP for being an “India first” party unlike the family-centric Congress while dwell­ing on initiatives to support religious tourism. The pilgrimage destinations at places like Nandgaon and the larger Barsana town have benefitted from an increased flow of visitors drawn by the re­ligious significance of the locations. Barsana’s Radha Rani temple is dedicated to Lord Krishna’s childhood and teen companion, perhaps the only such shrine dedicated to her. The impressive temple presents a grand spectacle during Janmashtami when singing and dancing continue well into the night. The architec­tural design of the temple impresses visitors and improved facili­ties means the footfalls of pilgrims have increased, bringing about benefits for local residents as the demand for stays, transport, de­votional material and restaurants has risen, driving up local com­merce. There is some chatter about whether a better opposition pick might have made the contest sharper at a tea stall where some farmers are taking a break. They are in Barsana for work but do not look overly engaged, with one scanning a newspaper and others waiting for tea and snacks. There are reports in the local press about farmers protesting the land acquisi­tion plans of the Vrindavan Development Authority. The crux of the dispute, the farm­ers say, is the big difference between official rates and the actual cost of land. The farmers say the land concerned costs a few crore ru­pees per bigha and the likely compensation is in lakhs per bigha. It is indeed hard to reconcile such a large gap even as those gathered at the tea stall accuse the adminis­tration of suppressing the circle rate for land sales. While the subject animates them, they point to Adityanath’s reputation as an effective administrator who has kept unruly elements in check and reduced instances of communal violence. “Once of­fenders know that a bulldozer will arrive at their houses, they are not so bold,” chuckles Kailash Pandit, who identifies himself as a Brahmin. Rule breakers, he says, are deterred by the fact that often their houses lack legal paperwork. Once brought down as illegal structures, it is almost impossible to restore them. The farmers do not consider the result difficult to predict, stating BJP enjoys the advantage. One of them, Harsh Singh, is a Thakur, and discounts reports of the Rajput community being miffed with BJP. There were attempts to mobilise opinion on the ground that the community is under-represented in BJP’s ticket distribution, but this hasn’t gained much traction, he says.

Situated some 22-odd km from Mathura, the town of Govard­han has grown over the years, its several pilgrimage attractions drawing in visitors round the year. The Govardhan parikrama (circumambulation) is dedicated to the story of Lord Krishna raising the hill (Govardhan Parvat) on a finger to protect the people of Braj Bhoomi from floods caused by Indra, the god of rain and thunder, who was angered by residents failing to pro­pitiate him in accordance with an annual ritual. The religious geography of the Mathura-Vrindavan region is dotted with temples, sacred wells and holy pathways associated with the life of Krishna and records acts of piety of rulers in sandstone monuments. As is not uncommon in these semi-rural parts, farm owners also run shops in the town areas, looking to add to incomes. Some like Rajesh Sharma do not feel the pilgrim trade has benefitted them much, saying the spin-offs are more for those directly connected with the business. Like many others, they too attest to the benefits of Central welfare schemes, such as cooking gas, housing and free rations reaching the poor, but wonder if beneficiaries, particularly Muslims and Jatavs, will support BJP. This is unlikely, they conclude, given that the Ba­hujan Samaj Party (BSP) continues to have a hold on Jatavs and Muslims simply do not consider BJP an option.

This leads to a discussion about BSP which they say cannot be discounted but lags as it is not part of an alliance that could have maximised its vote. One of them complains about delays he is facing in ensuring transfer of hereditary land to himself and his brother, suggesting the Patwari was seeking money under the table. Yet, the discussants saw BJP as the preferred choice, with voters willing to place their bets on Modi’s promise of ac­celerated development if he were voted to a third term in office. Govardhan’s market is booming and busy, a long stretch lined with all manner of wares, attesting to a lively commerce. Not unexpectedly, the town and its residents seek a future with more opportunities and fewer frictions in their daily lives. The Modi campaign took much of UP by storm after the leader was named BJP’s prime ministerial pick in 2014, and going by the sentiment in a land replete with stories of miracles related to the saga of Lord Krishna, the magic endures.

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