Whose Mumbai Is It Anyway?

Instead of settling the issue of who rules Mumbai, the recently concluded civic body elections have thrown the field wide open

MUMBAI ~ A week ago, when the Shiv Sena returned to power at the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), which it had held under its sway for the past 17 years, Uddhav Thackeray was perhaps Mumbai’s happiest man. His happiness did not stem merely from the fact that he is executive president of the winning party. It was largely because he had proved to his estranged cousin Raj Thackeray that he cannot be written off.

Ever since Uddhav was installed as the Shiv Sena’s second-in-command, his capabilities have been questioned—more by people within his own party than by those outside. While his capabilities were under public debate, he led the Sena to victory in the 2007 civic polls. Senior leaders in the Sena, who were more inclined towards Raj (president of the breakaway Maharashtra Navnirman Sena or MNS), attributed the victory to the efforts of Sena Chief Bal Thackeray.

Now, defying doomsayers once again, Uddhav has steered his party to victory in the just-concluded BMC election. This time too, the party’s victory is being attributed by many to the Sena chief’s charisma. However, regardless of whether Uddhav is popular or not, one fact is clear—he was the chief architect of his party’s victory in this election.

The victory has proved that Uddhav is no lightweight. In fact, he looks set now to inherit his father’s so-called ‘roar’ (the party emblem being a tiger). So, when Uddhav shaped his hand into a victory sign after the election results were declared, he was also thumbing his nose, in a manner of speaking, at Raj.

Since that day, Uddhav’s body language has undergone a big change. He appears more confident, his voice is authoritative, and his shoulders are squared instead of drooping, as they once were. He has probably realised that in politics, you cannot be a backroom boy, especially if you are the one leading your party.

Uddhav’s victory indicates that the personal and political tussle between the cousins—who were close friends once—has only got more fierce.

While Raj has oratory skills to show•case, Uddhav can now brag about his organisational acumen. “The Shiv Sainik has realised that Uddhavji cannot be Balasaheb. There can only be one Balasaheb, [but] he is a very good organiser. He is not interested in making a noise about what he does,” says a close aide.

The MNS has done well too, even if it is seen to have performed below Raj Thackeray’s expectations —which some say were inflated by his assumption that he was Bal’s rightful political heir. Anyhow, the fight between the two cousins is by no means over. In fact, it has also drawn their families into the game. In the future, expect to see more of their wives and children in the political arena.

Interestingly, after the election, workers of both parties have become restless. They are accusing each other of spoiling their quest for dominating Mumbai. Street fights have already started in some places. With both Uddhav and Raj challenging each other with renewed vigour, clashes between their supporters and partymen are expected to increase in frequency. Such clashes are inevitable because neither party is keen on sharing Mumbai’s political space—each wants to dominate it.

The victory of the Shiv Sena (and the MNS’s showing) is not the only piece of bad news that Maharashtra’s Congress has to deal with right now. In these polls, the party has also been eclipsed by its coalition partner in the state—the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP).

The NCP, led by an aggressive Ajit Pawar, wanted to prove to the Congress that it has a firmer grip on Maharashtra. Ajit, popularly known as Ajitdada, was also keen on proving to his uncle Sharad Pawar that he is a force to reckon with in the state. His aggressive approach was evident during the NCP’s seat-sharing talks with the Congress (the Pawar-run party had seriously considered going it alone in this election).

Ajitdada has been trying to demonstrate his political acument and clout ever since the day Sharad Pawar made it known that the successor of his political legacy will be his daughter Supriya Sule, not him.

For the ambitious Ajitdada, no political party is untouchable. His final goal is to become Chief Minister—he is deputy CM right now—and for that, he is willing to align with new partners, including the Shiv Sena, BJP and MNS. He had even aligned with these parties—in his personal capacity—in some municipal corporations, zila parishads, municipal councils and panchayat samitis. In the state’s next Assembly polls slated for 2014, Ajitdada wants to eclipse the Congress and win more seats so that his dream may be realised.

In the just-concluded elections, opposition parties appear to have realised that it takes very little to eclipse the Congress.  All the opposition had to do was latch on to disgruntled Congress leaders, and play on their insecurities to spoil things for the grand old party. The state of the Congress in Maharashtra can be compared to that of the party’s Uttar Pradesh unit before Rahul Gandhi stepped into the scene. In other words, the party is in a crisis. The state leadership—described as weak by critics—has failed to stem an erosion in the party’s voter base, as apparent in its electoral drubbing. After the UP elections, Rahul Gandhi may need to turn his attention to Maharashtra i if the party wants to revive itself here.

The Congress High Command also needs to get beyond searching for a ‘clean leader’. In the just-concluded polls, it relied heavily on Chief Minister Prithviraj Chavan’s ‘clean image’. But he was unable to make any gains for the party, let alone deliver the expected results.

During election campaigning in Maharashtra, the Congress kept away its former chief ministers Vilasrao Deshmukh and Sushilkumar Shinde—and a host of other senior leaders—who had been tainted in various scams. The Congress possibly feared being targeted by opposition parties on the issue of corruption, which could’ve damaged its prospects at the hustings. However, scam-tainted leaders like Deshmukh and Shinde continue to be part of the Union Cabinet, and voters know that.

Also, while Deshmukh was not allowed to campaign in Maharashtra, he is among the party’s star campaigners in neigh•bouring Goa, where Assembly polls will be conducted on 3 March.

Interestingly again, Kripashankar Singh, chief of the Mumbai Regional Congress Committee (MRCC), is under investigation in a disproportionate assets case that surfaced three years ago, and he has been allowed to continue at that post. In fact, it was Kripashankar himself who led the Mumbai Congress into the BMC battle this time.

Such shortsightedness of the Congress has virtually crippled the party.

“The results are self-evident. Something has to be done quickly. Otherwise, Soniaji’s or Rahulji’s sabhas at election time will not work in the face of Ajitdada’s aggression,” says a functionary of the Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee. “The party made a huge noise when it took in Narayan Rane, but he remains underutilised. He is not allowed to work. [State unit chief] Manikrao Thakre must be replaced with a more dynamic leader. He has proved he is incompetent,” says the functionary.

With two years left for the state Assembly polls, unofficial campaigning has already begun. Over the next two years, the moves of three men in Maharashtra will be worth watching: Uddhav, Raj and Ajitdada. All three are bent on chief ministership.

About The Author

Haima Deshpande