A More Equal Partnership

THE FOUR-DAY VISIT of US Vice President JD Vance from April 22 to 25 carried a mix of substance, symbolism and urgency that bilateral relations between India and the US needed under a new administration in the US. Vance, for whom it was his first visit to India despite close family ties, carried a sense of assurance from the second Donald Trump administration whose approach to the broader world has marked a drastically different course since his first term. The only other destinations that Vance had chosen prior to his India visit were Europe and Greenland. As such, his India trip early on in his term marks a continuation of the positive assessment of New Delhi in Washington’s renewed sense of strategic priority. Perhaps the standout feature of Vance’s visit was the intended balance that the Trump administration seeks between robust bilateral ties, a cultural connect with a strong Indian diaspora, and an aligned vision of the future based on energy goals, innovation, technology, investment and the vitality of both democracies.

Vance’s speech in Jaipur provided clarity on America’s policy priorities on India, especially on how it will differ from the past. Vance made it clear that the US will no longer practice ‘preachiness’ to India, hinting that past administrations had adopted such an approach. If the US seeks parity in trade, which is a key priority of Trump, then signalling that the US wants to avoid a top-down tone and tenor could be a great starting point. This is even more relevant in times when the world is scrambling to readjust to Trump’s reciprocal tariffs, increasingly by putting aside their differences.

Vance drove home the rationale behind America’s changed approach to global trade and the need to rebalance economic relations with its trading partners by citing the example of his native Middletown—a place that has become the symbol of America’s fall in manufacturing capacity, waning government support for industry, the need to shore up industry by striking a favourable deal for the US, and the urgency to redo America’s trade relations on the basis of ‘fairness’. These, although carved out exclusively in reference to Vance’s defence of the shifting US stance on trade, sound strikingly similar to India’s own needs.

Besides America’s economic justification to rejig the global trading system, Vance pointed to a principled alignment between India and the US predicated on the broader principles of labour rights, fair trade practices and a system of trade which is balanced and predictable, referring to countries which manipulate the system to their benefit.

There are two clear and common goals for India and the US: economic and national security. Trade is now catapulted to the top of the pillars driving this new momentum in India-US relations. Trade relations between India and the US have proved to be a timely tether for binding bilateral ties, thereby also showcasing how the current administration in Washington will approach things differently from its immediate predecessor.

The $500-billion bilateral trade target announced in February by both countries for the end of this decade is ambitious and will require groundbreaking expansion in bilateral trade. Given that India had a trade surplus of over $45 billion with the US in 2024, bringing down the deficit will require a careful approach from Delhi, especially as India has now entered the critical phase of trade negotiations with the terms of reference for the trade deal finalised. For India, sectors like agriculture, dairy products, automotive components and pharmaceuticals will be key.

While India will protect its critical sectors in negotiations, it is important that Delhi has signalled a willingness to be conciliatory and meet the US halfway. Bringing parity between the average tariffs that India and the US apply on each other’s goods—39 per cent and 5 per cent, respectively—could be one of the most challenging areas as the two countries embark on critical trade negotiations.

Beyond trade, Vance highlighted four additional areas crucial for strengthening relations: national security, joint defence manufacturing, collaboration in technology and innovation, and renewed energy ties. The concept of joint national security preparedness between India and the US is not new; however, the evolving nature of challenges in this increasingly dynamic domain allows each US president to leave a distinct imprint on the bilateral relationship.

The other aspect of security was in spotlighting the importance of joint manufacturing of critical defence systems by India and the US as part of the COMPACT initiative announced in February this year. Co-production of critical state-of-the-art defence systems like Javelin anti-tank guided missiles and Striker infantry vehicles are examples of collaboration in national security which could rapidly change the battlefield dynamic in combat situations. In the long run, tech transfer and strategic learning from these collaborative projects could substantively feed India’s self-reliance in defence manufacturing. The pitch to sell F-35s to India by the US may be attractive but is likely to be contingent on assessments of the system’s necessity by the armed forces.

Marking continuity from the joint statement that the two countries made in February this year, Vance’s visit adds urgency to India-US relations, which is aligned with the broader strategic objectives that the two countries seek to achieve in the Indo-Pacific. The emphasis on “peace through mutual strength” as a strategy for India and the US to seek peace in the Indo-Pacific accompanied the idea of continued momentum for the Quad.

Vance’s visit was a signal that the Trump administration’s grand recalibration would involve ending the longstanding asymmetric bargain in which the US traded hard power for soft power. In other words, the administration is likely to pursue a two-pronged strategy in its dealings with friends, partners, and allies. While it will drive a hard bargain on trade and investment, it will also offer strategic reassurances based on parity—expecting countries to meet the US halfway in assuming greater responsibility for burden-sharing. One way to strike a grand bargain with the Trump administration is to numerically depict India’s contributions in the changing bilateral dynamic. Energy supplies to India, which both Trump and Vance have harped on, may emerge as an area which India could use to achieve trade parity with the US.

Finally, the US vice president’s visit coincided with the terrorist attack in Pahalgam in Kashmir, perpetrated by Pakistan—a pattern uncannily reminiscent of past high-level US visits to India. While India’s immediate priority should be to consider a response that re-establishes deterrence with its rogue neighbour, Delhi must also seize this moment to deepen counterterrorism cooperation with the US and, more broadly, with the international community. The recent extradition of Tahawwur Rana from the US may have signalled the Trump administration’s commitment to a zero-tolerance approach to terrorism, but this may also be the right time for Washington to offer unequivocal support for India’s counterterrorism efforts.

Donald Trump administrationgeopliticsIndia-US tiesJD Vance visit to Indiatrade tariff