They traded in spices and silk from the east, which they carried through the overland caravan routes to northern Poland and farther north and west into EuropeThe first massive waves of dispersion in Armenian history took place in the eleventh century, following the collapse of the last Armenian kingdom on the Armenian plateau. After the sacking of the Bagradit capital of Ani by the Seljuks in 1064, large numbers of Armenians fled to the Genoese “seaborne trade diasporas” of the Crimea on the northern shores of the Black Sea, where they established vibrant colonies in Kaffa, Tana, and, later, further north in Kamenits in medieval Poland. There are also cases of Julfan women being sent from their homes to far-flung places such as Basra or Madras to be betrothed to eligible suitors. masters or Khwajas residing at home in Julfa transmitting commercial knowledge (knowledge of accounting, manuals with trading itineraries, prices of commodities in various markets, etc.). It also supplied a prized commodity (Iranian raw silk especially for Western markets) and, most importantly, capital and credit. In the East, the principal locus of Armenian trade was in Mughal India, where Armenians had already visited as early as the sixteenth century, traversing the long caravan routes across Afghanistan and Kashmir and sailing from the Persian Gulf (especially Hormuz) in Arab vessels to Cambay near Surat (Teles de Cunya; see Kevonian, “Un Itinéraire,” for a thirteenth-century Armenian travelogue to India and Southeast Asia). In the sixteenth century, Akbar the Great invited Armenians to settle in his capital at Agra. The first Armenian Church in that city dates from 1562 (Seth 2; Poladian, Agrayi Hayer ; Aslanian, “Hndkahay,” From the Indian chap. 4). In the next century, New Julfans visited India in greater numbers to establish communities in all the major trading centers of the subcontinent. A major factor behind this expansion was the simultaneous expansion of the English East India Company into India. Though Armenians were trading in India long before the advent of the English and other Europeans, the treaty between the company and the “Armenian Nation,” signed in London in 1688 (see below), acted as a catalyst for more Armenian migration from Iran to Mughal India. There was an irony here. On the one hand, the English East India Company opened new opportunities for the Armenians, such as allowing and even encouraging them to settle in its new settlements in India. But the company also obstructed Armenian advances when these were seen by the English as detrimental to English interests. In Bengal, the Armenian presence goes back to the early seventeenth century. The oldest Armenian tombstone in Calcutta appears to date from 1630, almost seventy years before the foundation of the English settlement at Calcutta. (Seth; Aslanian, “Hndkahay,” From the Indian chap. 4; for a different view, see the important contribution by Bhattacharya 292 n. 62). To the north, Armenians had settled in the Dutch settlement of Chinsura (also known to Julfans as Chichra, near the trading port of Hughli) starting in 1645 (Seth; Aslanian, From the Indian chap. 4); their church there was consecrated in 1695. In the seventeenth century, one of the most important Armenian communities in India was in Surat in the northwestern corner of the subcontinent, where the majority was of New Julfan origin (Seth 225; Aslanian, From the Indian chap. 4). On the Coromandel Coast, Armenian merchants seem to have settled in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries; they were residing in Meliapur or San Thomé (a few miles south of Madras) before the Portuguese arrived in 1517 (Gregory, “Armenians”; Aslanian, From the Indian chap. 4; Martin 1:335). According to contemporary sources, the Portuguese learned of the region’s indigenous Christian population and of the existence of a church connected to the legend concerning the martyrdom of Saint Thomas from Armenian merchants in Pulicat, further north on the coast (Gulbenkian, Estudos 1:113–4; Schurhammer 2:567). Indeed, the Armenians were so well entrenched in Meliapur that they helped the Portuguese rebuild the town, which they rechristened San Thomé (Gregory, “Armenians”; Martin 1:335). Perhaps it is not surprising that when this town fell to the Qutb Shahi dynasty, the rulers of the southern Indian kingdom of Golkonda, in 1662, an Armenian named Marcus Rosado was appointed as its governor (Gregory, “Armenians”; Seth 604–6).10 Arguably their most important settlement in the Indian Ocean as a whole was at English-administered Madras, their “peripheral node” to other settlements further east. Armenians were also operating out of Syriam, Ava, and Pegu (in present-day Burma/Myanmar) in the seventeenth century, and possibly earlier and had crossed the Himalayas in the 1660s to settle in Lhassa (Tibet), where they had a small colony (1660s–1720) whence they conducted trade with the Chinese heartland vacharakanats zhoghov, or Assembly of Merchants Most scholars agree that Armenians dominated the overland trade between Iran and Europe and had a strong presence in India, where they acted as an important link between the worlds of the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean. when they acquired Mughal farmans (royal decrees) granting them lands to build “factories” (fortified trade settlements) and attendant trading privileges (as was the case when an Armenian merchant named Khoja Israel di Sarhat acquired the famous farman of 1698, granting to the English the territory that xxxxxxxxxxxxxx Trade Diaspora versus Colonial State 51the confiscation by Admiral Griffin in 1746 of a vessel called the Santa Catherina. This vessel belonged to Armenians, and was bound from Bazra to Calcutta with a cargo of silver. later became Calcutta; as early as the 1680s, a number of Armenian merchants in India had become important ship owners and plied the maritime routes from the Persian Gulf to the Indonesian archipelago and beyond to Manila. Numerous cases of outright English piracy against Armenian vessels in the Indian Ocean suggest that when the competition was too much to bear, the English did not hesitate to resort to extra-judicial means to hinder Armenian gains (Barseghov, “Iz istorii”). The case of the confiscation of the Armenian-freighted ship the Santa Catharina the confiscation by Admiral Griffin in 1746 of a vessel called the Santa Catherina. This vessel belonged to Armenians, and was bound from Bazra to Calcutta with a cargo of silver. Armenian trade diaspora had trade connection with Surat, Calcutta and Madras Santa Catharina was manned by a mostly Indian crew and carried several passes of safe conduct in the 1660s, Khwaja Minas seems to have settled in Surat, where he conducted business with local merchants as well as with the Portuguese and the English. In 1669, Khwaja Minas “ranked as one of the wealthiest merchants of Surat. In 1676, he seems to have settled in Bombay at the invitation of the English the Minasian family migrated to Surat, where the patriarch of the family had resided in the seventeenth century, and thence to the rich commercial centers of Bengal, such as Saidabad (the Armenian suburb of the provincial capital, Murshidabad), Hughli, Calcutta, and as far south as Madras. an “intelligence network” between their various trade diaspora outposts in India and Europe and their home in Julfa/Isfahan. “Armenian networks of intelligence stretched far and wide throughout Asia, Africa and the Americas,” writes Barendse (27). These networks were constituted by an elaborate system of mail (both over land and, by the eighteenth century, increasingly over sea) delivered from one trade-diaspora settlement to another through a network of correspondents and messengers who made a living delivering mail for their masters. It seems that some of the major family firms in Julfa, including the Minasians, had their own corps of messengers or “runners,” known by the Persian terms shatir and chapar (see Aslanian, “Salt,” From the Indian chap. 6), The extensive nature of Armenian networks is demonstrated by the fact that often the Dutch and English East India Companies relied on Armenian messengers to remit their mail xxxxxxxxxxxxxx Diaspora 13:1 2004 66 across the vast distances separating Europe from Persia and India one such “technique,” namely the complex system of letters of credit used by merchants in New Julfa to transfer their capital to faraway places such as Tibet and Amsterdam, thereby expanding the scope of their trading ventures across vast geographic and political divides ( the “postal system” underpinning social and economic life in the eighteenth-century Armenian trade diaspora. As an example of how this was done, consider the case of a merchant ship called the Santa Reta, owned by two merchants, an Armenian and a Greek, both trading out of Madras. The ship was confiscated as a “prize” by the British navy near Canton (Guangdong), China, in 1780 after its owners were forced out of Manila, where they were trading at the outbreak of war between Britain and Spain. What is noteworthy about this document is the rhetoric of kinship and “nationality” invoked by the Armenian in China to establish longdistance trust and solidarity with another New Julfan residing in London. After all, Peter Paul was an Armenian merchant from Madras and an “insider” to the Julfan trade “coalition.” ( with a curious vakilagir, or power of attorney, As is well known, the overland postal system of the eighteenth century (dependent on the courier networks of merchants, consuls, and clerics) was notoriously slow; the average letter from Persia took between four and eight months to reach Amsterdam, Be it known to you that in the year 133, a Ship called the Santa Catherina freighted by some of our nation, in which Khwaja Minas son of Elias went as Supercargo: going from Bassora to Bengal was taken by the English. Diaspora Lobbying and “Stateless Power”: Armenian Merchants and Nawab Alivardi Khan in the Bengal Almost simultaneous to their extension of the power of attorney, the factors of the Khwaja Minasian family residing in Bengal, along with other merchants the Armenians “lobbied” the local Mughal authorities in Bengal to redress the injustices done to them by the English. several Mughal merchants, Armenians, and a Greek, “in a complaint to the Nabob against the India Company” In their complaint to Alivardi Khan (the “Nabob,” or, rather, nawab or governor of Bengal), the owners of the Santa Catharina’s cargo were joined by Bengal-based Armenian merchants who, along with Mughal merchants, were joint owners of another ship named the Chandernagor, which was also confiscated around the same time by Admiral Griffin’s fleet upon its return to Bengal from the Persian Gulf, again under the pretext that it was an “enemy’s vessel belonging to the French King or his subjects the cargo of the Santa Catharina and the Chandernagor joined forces and “lobbied” Alivardi Khan’s darbar (or court) in Murshidabad (the provincial capital of Bengal) by petitioning Bengal’s most prominent merchant, Khwaja Wajeed (also known as Wazid or Wajid), an Armenian who had possibly converted to Islam and “stood in high favour at the court of Ali Vardi Khan” ( By the mid-1740s, Wajeed xxxxxxxxxxxxxx Diaspora 13:1 2004 74 had climbed his way to the position of principal representative of Bengal’s merchant community (both Armenians and others) at the nawab’s court, as his title, Faqhr Tujjar or “Chief of Merchants,” indicates He had acquired a monopoly of Bengal’s lucrative saltpeter trade that magnified his fame and fortune and made him “one of the most important figures in the commercial and political life of Bengal” Apparently, the nawab had personal property on board one of the ships seized by Admiral Griffin’s squadron. Not satisfied with the governor’s response, Alivardi then ordered his troops to lay siege to the company’s factory at Kasimbazar. This act was followed by an embargo on English shipping on the Hughli River, thereby bringing the company’s trade in the region to its knees The above case of the pressure Armenian merchants brought to bear on Alivardi’s darbar demonstrates how early-modern trade diasporas such as that of the New Julfa Armenians did not hesitate to “lobby” and apply mediated pressure, through third parties, on the state institutions of their host societies to represent the interests of their own “stateless nation.” It is interesting to note that the Santa Catharina trial was not the first instance in which Armenians resorted to foreign states to “lobby” for their own special interests. In 1698, when the Armenian-owned ship the Quedah Merchant was plundered by the notorious English privateer and pirate Captain Kidd, its Armenian owners appealed both to Emperor Aurangzeb xxxxxxxxxxxxxx It is interesting to note that the Santa Catharina trial was not the first instance in which Armenians resorted to foreign states to “lobby” for their own special interests. In 1698, when the Armenian-owned ship the Quedah Merchant was plundered by the notorious English privateer and pirate Captain Kidd, its Armenian owners appealed both to Emperor Aurangzeb xxxxxxxxxxxxxx Apparently, the nawab had personal property on board one of the ships seized by Admiral Griffin’s squadron. trial of the ship Chandernagor, which was owned by a consortium of Armenian and Mughal merchants from Bengal and which was, along with the Santa Catharina, the subject of Alivardi Khan’s parwanna to the East India Company in Bengal. The Armenians set the Impression of their Seal, or Chop, in Ink, to all Instruments they sign; and, in their solemn Papers, such as Bills of Exchange &c. they rarely subscribe their Names, but put the Impression of their Chop, which they constantly wear, fastened to a Chain, round their Necks. Julfan merchants followed an even more stringent protocol when it came to ratifying or authenticating legal documents such as powers of attorney, wills, and property deeds. In the latter case, such documents had to be officially ratified by New Julfa’s Assembly of Merchants, and, as such, had to bear the signatures and seals of the township’s Kalantar in addition to at least fifteen of twenty Kadkhudas (district heads) representing the twenty neighborhoods of New Julfa the Armenian-freighted ship was in fact the property of the French king and his subjects £41,419 (several million US dollars in current currency). IN 1746-1747: Nadir Shah: Nadir also had the most senior members of two of the suburb’s leading merchant families, including the family that owned the cargo of the Santa Catharina, publicly burned alive at the stake and “threatened to put the whole commuxxxxxxxxxxxxxx Diaspora 13:1 2004 84 nity to the sword and to treat the Julfans more harshly on his next visit” This event, as is briefly noted above, caused a mass exodus from New Julfa of its most wealthy families, who fled to India, Russia, and the Mediterranean This dual collapse can be seen as a subtext in the story of the Santa Catharina trial. The Santa Catharina’s capture by the British navy and its ensuing trial took place in the penumbra of the economic and social devastation of New Julfa by Nadir Shah’s disastrous policies, on the one hand, and the conquest and looting of Madras by French forces, on the other. —————- Armenian diaspora took a new shape in the sixteenth and seventeenth century when Armenians were stretching towards northward up the Volga from the Caspian Sea and eastward towards India. Historians argue it is during this period, Armenians trade diaspora was coming to India.10 In fact the Safavid Empire in early seventeenth century played an important role on the massive traversing of Armenians in Indian Ocean. Safavid was one of the most significant dynasties among the three Islamic empires which ruled Persia, present day Iran, from 1501 to 1722. The It is during this period when he transferred his capital to Isfahan, the famous centre for Islamic art, architecture, culture and politics.11 This is the period when Armenians were forced to shift them to New Julfa, a suburb of Shah Abbas..s new capital Isfahan. Important introduction Indeed it is true that Shah Abbas of Saffavid Empire provided the Armenian merchants invaluable support for advancing the trading activities.16 And mostly because of the Shah..s patronization and because of the getting access of the Bandor Abbas it was easy for the Armenian diaspora in New Julfa to operate their trade vigorously in the course of the seventeenth century. In fact access to the port of the Bandar Abbas was very vital for the seventeenth century trade diaspora to the different parts of India, as access to Bandar Abbas meant access to the wider Indian Ocean, which opened the window for the subsequent massive trading diaspora in the subcontinent and elsewhere. most of the Armenian merchants came to Bengal as commendaagents of their masters settled mostly in New Julfa Armenians trade diaspora in the Indian Ocean played an important role in the trade of Indian Ocean until the first half of the eighteenth century when the chartered Companies were very influential, after which the influence of Armenian trade diaspora, especially in the Indian Ocean declined. As Bengal was one of the most lucrative spaces in the Indian Ocean, offered wonderful trade opportunities for the individual merchants, family firmsand forthe chartered Companies.Many Armenian merchants came here especially from the seventeenth century onward. Armenian trade diaspora played a crucial role for the Bengal trade and politics. Thusthis paper will deal Some historians stressed on Armenians.. ethos of trust.. that is Armenian merchants were very trustworthy and the Armenian merchant..s trading house was a network of organization which was basically operated through `ethos of trust.. that substantially saved the cost of intricate organization of their firms, thereby helped the Armenian firms to achieve edge over others. They also gave importance on `groupism.. of the Armenian merchants.17Some other historians do not agree with this perspective.1 What is Diaspora, was Armenians in Bengal a Diaspora? Now,on the basis of extensive debate,can we define Armenians in Bengal as diasporic? We have mentioned elsewhere in the essay that Armenians´ massive coming to Bengal started only after they were settled in New Julfa. The prospect of Bengal trade attracted Armenian merchants to settle them in Bengal. In Bengal, they had their own Apostolic Churches; remnant of the Armenian churches and houses are still found in the both parts of the Bengal..Eastern Bengal most of the Armenian merchants came to Bengal as commendaagents of their masters settled mostly in New Julfa New Julfa was not the original homeland of Armenians who were also a diasporacommunity in New Julfa under the Muslim reign. Jonathan Israel defined this kind of move (diaspora) as diasporas within diaspora.39 Thus we can define Armenians in Bengal as alsodiasporas within diasporabut trade diaspora as they came to Bengal for trading purpose Bengal raw silk and cotton textiles and other agricultural commodities were very reputed and were exported to inter-Asia.42 Although, it is difficult to define when Armenians started coming to Bengal, historians generally presume that Armenians began to come to Bengal form the sixteenth century. However, Armenians diaspora in Bengal got its pace in the seventeenth century. After arriving in Bengal, Armenians traversed different parts of Bengal especially in port cities and also remote areas where commodity supply or trade was possible. Armenians had their trading settlement and considerable influence in trade in almost all parts of Bengal such as Hugli, Calcutta, Dhaka, Kasimbazar, Saidabad( a suburb the capital Murshidabad) and Patna. Because of the dominant position of Armenians in Bengal trade, the English, the Dutch and the French East India Companies had to establish business cooperation with the Armenian merchants, especially between the early seventeenth century and the first half of the eighteenth century. It is observed from the English, the Dutch and the French Companies.. documents that the Companies were largely depended on the Armenians merchants for their Bengal trade in the seventeenth and first half of the eighteenth century. Armenian merchant, KhojaWazid..s commercial activities in Bengal. Although he did not come as commendaagent, his ancestor came ascommenda agent. KhojaWazidwas very influential in the commercial and political life of Bengal especially in the last three decades of the first half of the eighteenth century. Born in Patna and later settled in Hugli, KhojaWazid established an extensive trade networks.47 He not only took part in overland saltpeter, salt and opium trade but was also active in maritime trade, stretching over almost all parts of Bengal to Surat, Persian Gulf and the Red sea ports. Since KhojaWazid obtained monopoly for the Saltpeter and Opium trade from the Bengal NawabAlivardi Khan by paying aThey had religious churches in both parts of Bengal and they used to live in separate areas. Remnants of their churches and living areas are still available in Dhaka. An area where they had once their settlement still bears the name after Armenian.. Armanitola nominal Rs. 25,000 in a year. Some Armenian merchants, especially KhojaWazid and PanousCalendr possessed several ships. Orme shows that in the first half of the eighteenth century Armenians.. fleet would be found in different ports of India and other parts of Asia full with Bengal goods. he would regularly sendhis ships full with different kind of Bengal products such as cotton textiles, Bengal silk, porcelain etc. as far as Surat, Mausallipatnam, Basra and Jeddah.53 Studying VOC shipping list SushilChaudhury decides that KhoajaWazid possessed at least six ships named: SalmatRessan, Salmatmanzil, MobrakGensamer,Medina Bakshand Mubarak Manzil.54English Provoked by the New Institutional Economic theory of economic historian Avner Grief, Aslanian sees trust among the Armenian merchants as a `social capital… They had religious churches in both parts of Bengal and they used to live in separate areas. Remnants of their churches and living areas are still available in Dhaka. An area where they had once their settlement still bears the name after Armenian.. Armanitola

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