Securing the Future

On September 15, 2025, Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be in Kolkata to address the Combined Commanders’ Conference (CCC), a biennial meeting of the topmost military commanders drawn from across the three armed forces. CCC is India’s apex forum for politico-military dialogue on long-term defence strategy. This edition, initially planned for April, was deferred due to operational commitments linked to Operation Sindoor. The conference will allow a collective review of doctrine, structures, and capability planning since Operation Sindoor, the four-day blitz in May that India launched against Pakistan, providing a rare opportunity to translate operational lessons into institutional reform.

One standout aspect of decision-making during Operation Sindoor was the heightened politico-military synergy evident during the crisis. Prime Minister Modi, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval held frequent consultations with the military chiefs led by Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) General Anil Chauhan throughout the crisis. According to one count, there were at least 19 meetings between the political leadership and the military brass between April 23 and May 10, when Operation Sindoor was paused. 

The prime minister spent considerable time listening to options put forward by the service chiefs. Perhaps the heinous nature of the Pahalgam massacre had something to do with it. There was a dangerous subtext to the killings: Pakistan was hoping to create communal discord in India. Moreover, one of the terrorists had directly challenged the Indian prime minister, telling a woman survivor to “go and tell Modi” (that they had massacred the men). 

This is not a one-off approach though. The prime minister has, over the last 11 years, articulated his national security vision clearly and concisely, several current and past chiefs of the armed forces and intelligence agencies aver. The first broad indication of his views on how India should secure itself came as early as December 2015 when addressing the CCC onboard INS Vikramaditya off Kochi. His CCC speech, perhaps the only one available in the public domain, is seen as a blueprint for national security. It is worth quoting at some length. 

Modi told the senior military leadership a decade ago: 

“We need forces that are agile, mobile and driven by technology, not just human valour. 

We need capabilities to win swift wars, for we will not have the luxury of long drawn battles. We must re-examine our assumptions that keep massive funds locked up in inventories… 

We must fully incorporate the power of digital networks and space assets into our capabilities. Equally, we must be prepared to defend them, for they will be the first targets of our adversaries. 

And, networks must be seamless and integrated across agencies and forces, and are precise, clear and quick in response. 

We have been slow to reform the structures of our Armed Forces. We should shorten the tooth-to-tail ratio. 

And, we should promote jointness across every level of our Armed Forces. We wear different colours, but we serve the same cause and bear the same flag. Jointness at the top is a need that is long overdue. 

Senior military leaders must have experience of tri-service commands, experience in technology-driven environment and exposure to the full spectrum of challenges—from terrorism to strategic. 

We need military commanders who not only lead brilliantly in the field but are also thought leaders who guide our forces and security systems into the future.” 

Ten years after that speech, foreign policy and national security challenges have only increased. The old world order is near collapse, a new one is yet to emerge. India’s neighbourhood is in turmoil, Nepal being the latest example. India’s great-power relations remain in perpetual flux but through all this Prime Minister Modi and his national security managers have remained on top of the game, occasional setbacks notwithstanding. Their approach to securing India is pragmatic, practical and based on the principle of ‘India first’.

It has been a remarkable transformation for the then chief minister of Gujarat, efficiently running a state and not wasting his time on what was not his domain then. Perhaps because Modi did not take office with any preconceived ideas about national security and foreign policy that he has been able to chart a new course. As a long-time government watcher remarked, “Starting with a clean slate has allowed him to escape the usual timidity that has come to symbolise some of our decision-making at the highest level.”

His approach to global affairs is based on interlinking foreign policy with strong internal growth. He envisions a secure India confident of its place in the world and capable of dealing with its peers and competitors from a position of confidence and strength. His handling of China—extending a hand of friendship first but then acting tough when Beijing started playing truant on various issues—and taking a plunge in signing the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) with the US, among other foundational agreements, is a testament to Modi’s confidence in dealing with tricky foreign policy issues.

But what of Modi’s security policies? What is his approach?

At one level, because of his record as a no-nonsense administrator and his nationalistic views, it was a given that Modi would adopt a more robust security policy with respect to both Pakistan and China. Breaking years of status quo and hesitation has not been easy. Inevitably, there have been setbacks but, in each case, the national security apparatus under Modi’s premiership has bounced back and reconfigured itself. 

The results may not be immediately apparent but many far-reaching changes, ushered in over the past 11 years, have strengthened national security. However, according to NSA Doval, it is difficult to comprehend Modi’s security policies without understanding his vision for the nation. 

Speaking to me while writing the 2017 book, Securing India, the Modi Way, the NSA had remarked: “Groomed and nurtured ideologically in a strong nationalist mode, he [Modi] has both a civilisational awareness and a long-term strategic vision of India’s security. He believes that a strong economy, transformed human capital of India, technological excellence, and powerful national consciousness of the Indian people are the guarantors of Indian security. His emphasis on human resource development, indigenisation of defence production, and emphasis on technology in defence, are all aimed at making India strong and secure. A careful analysis of all his speeches and utterances makes it clear that he considers the will of the nation as the main ingredient of its Comprehensive National Power (CNP). He wants the Indian people to be proud of their past, resolute in their present, and imbued with high hopes for the future…” 

Doval’s appointment as NSA was one of the first official decisions that Modi took after assuming office on May 26, 2014. After Doval took over as India’s fifth NSA, he and the prime minister set about removing the cobwebs in the minds of security sector practitioners and the lethargy that had crept into the system.

In Doval, the prime minister had the advantage of a person who not only knew the inner workings of the security apparatus in the country but was also someone who commanded great respect among peers and juniors. In 2017, the NSA had spoken to me about the prime minister’s approach to national security. His remarks are still valid eight years after they were made: “For Prime Minister Modi, the only criterion is national interest when it comes to formulating national security policies or taking difficult decisions. He is completely oblivious to political consequences when it comes to taking the right decisions on national security.”  Doval had revealed that Modi’s national security approach is “without fetters”. “The advantage of such a doctrine is that he has no other focus except his deeply embedded patriotism and the awareness that for India to become a great power, a secure environment—both internal and external—is an absolute must,” the NSA had remarked. More importantly, Doval says the prime minister looks at national security from a long-term perspective and “does not get rattled with episodic ups and downs,” referring to occasional setbacks. 

Many other national security professionals who have interacted with Modi over the past decade say his comprehension and attention span is unbelievably high. “Modi’s approach is essentially of a problem-solver; he comes out with solutions that will often surprise you,” says one of them. 

Securing the national interest and dealing with foreign policy challenges with a firm hand has been Prime Minister Modi’s hallmark through the 11 years that he has been at the helm. The current state of relations with China and the US and the calm manner in which the prime minister has dealt with the crises demonstrate this fundamental principle in Modi’s policies and there is no doubt that it is primarily derived from the prime minister’s personal vision.

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