
Every generation witnesses a quiet but decisive shift in what it values as intellectual capital. In India, history experienced such a moment when scholars like William Dalrymple transformed archival scholarship into widely consumed public discourse, making the past accessible, relevant and deeply political. That legacy now continues through Indian historians such as Manu S. Pillai, who have bridged academic rigour with narrative clarity. Economics and public administration had their own ascendance, particularly in the post-liberalisation decades, when economic reform, state capacity and the civil services dominated aspirational thinking. Today, however, India stands at the threshold of another such inflexion point, one centred on political science, public policy and development studies.
This opportunity exists not because these disciplines are new, but because India’s governance challenges have become more complex, visible and globally consequential than ever before. The country is no longer merely implementing policies; it is shaping global debates on artificial intelligence, digital public infrastructure, climate finance, development models and democratic governance. From leading the G20 in 2023 with a strong emphasis on development-centric multilateralism, to exporting digital governance tools such as Aadhaar-enabled public service delivery frameworks, India has entered a phase where policy capacity itself has become a strategic asset. This transformation has created a natural demand for professionals trained not just to manage institutions, but to understand power, incentives, regulatory trade-offs and social outcomes.
23 Jan 2026 - Vol 04 | Issue 55
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Political science, often misunderstood as a purely academic or ideological pursuit, has acquired renewed relevance not because its core questions are new, but because the stakes attached to them have fundamentally changed. India has always negotiated federalism, electoral competition, judicial authority and centre–state relations. What is different today is the scale, speed and visibility with which these institutional tensions play out. A more centralised fiscal architecture, increasingly assertive states, a hyper-connected electorate, and the judicialisation of politics have pushed long-standing constitutional questions into everyday governance. These are no longer abstract debates confined to courtrooms or classrooms; they shape how welfare is delivered, how markets are regulated, and how citizens experience the state.
In this context, technocratic fixes, however well-intentioned, are insufficient. Policy design now operates within intense political contestation, media scrutiny and global comparison. Political science provides the tools to understand how institutions behave under sustained pressure, how legitimacy is constructed or contested, and how political incentives condition policy outcomes. It enables practitioners to distinguish between formal rules and real power, between policy intent and political feasibility. In an era marked by polarisation, accelerated decision-making and information overload, these analytical capacities are not optional embellishments to governance; they are foundational to its credibility, effectiveness and democratic resilience.
Public policy and development studies extend this intellectual grounding into applied problem-solving. What makes the present moment distinct is the institutionalisation of policy as a profession in India, something that did not exist at scale two decades ago. The emergence of dedicated schools and think tanks, such as the Indian School of Public Policy, the Takshashila Institution, Ashoka University’s Trivedi Centre for Political Data, and an expanding ecosystem of policy labs within universities themselves, signals a structural shift. These institutions are training graduates to work at the intersection of data, politics and administration, producing policy analysts who can evaluate welfare schemes, design regulatory frameworks and assess long-term development impacts.
At the state and central levels, governance itself has become more data-driven and policy-intensive. NITI Aayog’s role, outcome-based monitoring of schemes such as the Aspirational Districts Programme, and the increasing reliance on evidence-based evaluations reflect a maturing policy culture. Similarly, ministries now routinely engage with external researchers, consulting firms and civil society organisations for policy design and implementation. This has expanded employment pathways for graduates of public policy and development studies beyond academia and the civil services into consulting, philanthropy, multilateral institutions and corporate strategy roles focused on public affairs and sustainability.
Another reason this moment exists now is the convergence of global and domestic pressures. Climate change, for instance, has transformed development planning from a sectoral concern into a cross-cutting governance challenge. India’s commitments under international climate frameworks, its push for renewable energy, and debates around climate finance and adaptation demand professionals who understand both international negotiations and local political economy constraints. Development studies, with its emphasis on inequality, sustainability and institutional capacity, offers precisely this lens. The same applies to digital governance, where India’s experience with digital public goods has attracted global attention and raised questions about privacy, regulation and democratic accountability that require sophisticated policy analysis.
Despite this growing relevance, challenges persist. One is perception. Unlike the MBA, which offers a clearly defined pathway and social legitimacy, careers in political science and public policy still appear ambiguous to many students and families. This ambiguity is compounded by uneven quality across institutions and a lingering gap between academic research and policy practice. Another challenge lies in research depth. While India has produced influential policy practitioners, it continues to underinvest in long-term theoretical and empirical research compared to leading global centres. Without sustained research capacity, policy risks becoming reactive rather than anticipatory.
Overcoming these challenges requires learning from the very disciplines that had their moment before. History became popular not merely because of institutional reform, but because scholars communicated relevance. Economics gained traction when it demonstrated its power to explain lived realities such as jobs, prices, growth and inequality. Political science and public policy must similarly tell a compelling story that governance literacy is essential for national progress, corporate responsibility and democratic citizenship alike. This involves rethinking pedagogy, strengthening research funding, and encouraging interdisciplinary approaches that integrate economics, data science, law and environmental studies.
Crucially, India must also nurture a new generation of public intellectuals in policy and governance, individuals who can translate complex institutional questions into accessible insights without sacrificing rigour. Think tanks, universities and media platforms share responsibility in this effort. When policy debates move beyond slogans to substance, public trust in institutions improves, and democratic engagement deepens.
India’s next “MBA moment” will not be defined by balance sheets or boardrooms alone. It will be shaped by how well the country understands and governs itself in an increasingly volatile world. Political science, public policy and development studies provide the intellectual infrastructure for this task. The opportunity exists now because India’s ambitions have outgrown managerial solutions and demand governance intelligence. Whether this moment is seized will determine not just the future of these disciplines, but the quality of India’s development and democracy in the decades to come.