Modi’s Message

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision to continue with his core team of ministers without changing major portfolios was read as a signal on how the government will run. It is evident that key ministries connected to reforms, trade and infrastructure will be with BJP nominees and under the close supervision of the PMO. However, the decision not to shuffle the deck, even with regard to BJP ministers, is possibly also linked to a desire to get things moving without delays. A new minister would need time to settle in, irrespective of any handholding, and Modi is keen to get things rolling on the 100-day plan he has spoken of. The prime minister’s decision to continue with his team reflects his assessment that the ministers did well during Modi 2.0 and are capable of meeting more ambitious targets likely to be set for them. The first indicator of the post-result vision of the government will be provided by the Budget in July. The initial decisions to increase the number of housing units under the PM Awas Yojana by three crore and to sign off on the next instalment of the PM-Kisan payments are pointers that existing initiatives will be strengthened and possibly fine-tuned in keeping with ongoing reviews. The economic path pursued by the government focused on expanding capital expenditure while adopting a responsible fiscal path, and is seen to have paid dividends with India registering higher than expected growth. While one can expect more of the same in many areas, there is a greater urgency in ensuring rollout of initiatives like jointness in the defence forces, implementation of the revised penal code, closure of trade pacts under discussion, and updating of school syllabi. All the signs so far point to Modi setting even more challenging goals for himself and his team.

UDDHAV’S BLUES

While MVA did much better than NDA in Maharashtra, the gains are not the same for every component of the Aghadi. The Sharad Pawar faction of NCP did well, doubling its tally to eight MPs, and Congress won 13. And while Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena won nine seats, it lost seven of the 13 contests where it was directly opposed to rebel leader Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena which retains the official symbol. Just as the Uddhav Sena was eyeing to occupy the space once held by Congress, the latter made a strong comeback from the one seat it held in 2019. The three seats the Uddhav faction won in Mumbai have much to do with the alignment of the Muslim vote apart from any sympathy factor for the ousted leader. While the voting pattern indicates the Uddhav Sena will have to all but repudiate its founding principles, it lost the Ratnagiri-Sindhudurg seat in its Konkan bastion by a comfortable margin to BJP’s Narayan Rane. The Konkan strongman was seen to be hesitant about contesting but was in no mood to lose a crucial election once nominated by BJP. The results mean the Hindutva and Maratha vote largely remained with BJP and the Shinde Sena, despite gains by MVA. Shinde’s position is further strengthened if the Ajit Pawar NCP’s poor show is taken into account along with the seven seats the chief minister’s party won. And within MVA, Congress has the pole position with the Uddhav Sena in third place, a development that will certainly impact seat-sharing ahead of the Assembly polls due in October.

JAGAN’S SELF-GOALS

YSRCP leader Jagan Mohan Reddy banked on a cradle-to-grave welfare system to return to office in Andhra Pradesh but that was not to be. While the state government rolled out schemes, debt snowballed and a lack of investment meant meagre opportunities for the workforce. For some time now, Jagan is learnt to have isolated himself, largely cloistered with officials, rather than meeting even close advisors or political colleagues. It was sometimes months before any non-official aide got to see the then chief minister. Jagan’s dislike for TDP chief N Chandrababu Naidu, it is felt, got the better of him and the decision to file a case of alleged corruption that sent his rival to jail was ill-considered. The case was prompted by the assessment that TDP’s graph had begun to inch up after a long period of stagnation, with Naidu’s rallies attracting crowds and even on occasion resulting in a stampede. But the antidote proved worse than the disease. The decision to arrest Naidu had the opposite of the intended effect and TDP bounced back with a vengeance. TDP’s decision to ally with BJP and the charismatic JanaSena Party leader Pawan Kalyan galvanised the anti-Jagan vote and the ruling party was reduced to a paltry 11 seats in a house of 175. The former chief minister’s limited interaction with the outside world has been part of grapevine talk for long. He has been in the habit of shutting down official work by evening and spending time largely in his own company. The Andhra result, said an observer, was a “man-made” tragedy.

PLAYING STATUE

The relocation of statues inside the Parliament complex has led to a lot of heartburn. The statue of Mahatma Gandhi in front of the main entrance to the Old Parliament building, now called Samvidhan Sadan, was the protest site for the Opposition that would stand in front of the image holding placards. The statue was not far from the new Parliament building and provided a prominent venue for protests. Now all statues have been relocated and the empty spot is no longer as attractive. Lok Sabha officials say there is nothing underhand about the relocation as the statues have been placed in a designated area called Prerna Sthal (Inspira­tion Platform). Moves are afoot to consider whether steps can be taken to prevent placards from being carried into Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha. The practice began when MPs from Andhra Pradesh staged daily protests for or against the creation of Telangana during the 15th Lok Sabha. The MPs, who were largely from the Congress benches, were allowed to continue unhindered and this ended up normalising the use of placards even though the chambers of Parliament are meant for debate rather than placard-waving.

VADRA’S TURN?

Congress leader Priyanka Gandhi Vadra’s decision to contest from the Wayanad Lok Sabha constituency was welcomed by husband Robert Vadra who said she will show­case the “mein ladki hoon, mein lad sakti hoon (I am a girl, and I can fight)” slogan and spirit. He also suggested he might be a candidate for Parliament too, even as his wife precedes him. Vadra has previously said there is popular support for him and he could follow when the time was right. If that were to happen, there would be three Gandhis and a Vadra in Parlia­ment, which would almost certainly be a record of some sort.

Indian ParliamentIndian politicsJagan Mohan ReddyNarendra ModiRobert VadraUddhav Thackeray