Young and Angry in Nepal

The ongoing anti-corruption protests in Nepal, which have escalated into widespread violence and claimed lives, are, at their core, the outcome of governmental indifference to the plight of the common people in a country where one in four citizens live below the national poverty line and one in three are aged 18–35, according to analysts, journalists, students, and scholars. With the agitation that began on September 8 and continues despite an indefinite curfew, demonstrators have clashed with the police. Several observers add that things have spiralled out of control, with mobs taking advantage of the situation to indulge in arson and robbery, largely because of the government’s mishandling.

Namrata Sharma of the Center for Investigative Journalism, Nepal, tells Open that although the immediate trigger was the social media ban—a ruse to stop videos (hash-tagged #Nepobabies) of politicians’ children and relatives flaunting luxury from going viral—the main reason for young people taking to the streets after a prolonged online campaign is their “deep disillusionment” over rampant corruption that has enriched political leaders.

“These are young people who are frustrated about having to travel overseas for a good education and work. They started the anti-government campaign to call out our politicians. They wanted change and to mobilise people against the government. They did not want the protests to turn violent, and I know some of them very well,” Sharma said, emphasising that these youths formed a decentralised group seeking attention for their cause on social media.

The protests eventually forced President Ram Chandra Poudel and Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to resign from their posts on September 9. These ‘Gen Z’ protests also saw violent mobs assault former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba and his wife, and the death of former premier Jhala Nath Khanal’s wife, Rajyalaxmi Chitrakar, after arsonists set fire to her house. Trapped inside, Chitrakar later succumbed to her burn injuries in the hospital.

Sharma and several others Open spoke to (many on condition of anonymity, distressed by the violent turn the protests have taken) argue that since the Covid lockdown, the perception has gained momentum that the political classes across religious and ideological divides are more interested in amassing wealth than in providing governance or relief to citizens grappling with hardship.

The following tweet from an anonymous handle perhaps sums up the anger of the people, especially the young:

“In less than 48 hours, Gen Z protests in Nepal did the following:
– Burnt down multiple politicians’ houses
– Continued despite curfew and firing across multiple cities
– Made the Prime Minister resign
– Entered parliament and burnt it.
This is the generation that doesn’t forgive, doesn’t forget.”

Even as Kathmandu burned, Namrata Sharma took to social media to state: “Please note that the vandalism happening on the streets of Nepal is not being done by Gen Z. There are external forces, most probably right-wing mindsets, behind the vandalism and looting. There is also a  call to dialogue by the President and the Army chief, but those going are not the real Gen Z who sowed the idea of the anti-corruption protest. This is the time for all to support the real Gen Z protestors and stop handing over the reins of Nepal to the wrong hands.”

On the streets of Kathmandu, the talk—even as Singha Durbar, the historic seat of government, burned—is that not only right-wing elements are exploiting the fluid security situation. “While it is true that some parties, like the Rastriya Prajatantra Party, have been campaigning for reinstating the monarchy and creating a Hindu state, the fact that the iconic Pashupatinath Temple came under threat of an attack (thwarted by forces) means ideologically driven groups are also involved,” says a young Kathmandu-based professional. Crestfallen at the turmoil, he adds, “Maybe external forces are also involved in hijacking the Gen Z protests. As of now, we have no idea, but it’s a possibility.” He notes that Nepal’s position, sandwiched between India and China, makes the country vulnerable to such grand plans.

Meanwhile, the Indian government held crucial meetings and is closely watching the situation in its neighbourhood. India is also monitoring areas along the Nepal border.

The grievances of the Nepali people are palpable, often evident even to tourists, who frequently find citizens across socio-economic segments—except those in successive governments—sharing anxieties about what they describe as the government’s “misplaced” priorities and skewed policies. Many resent the lavish lifestyles of the ruling elite.

Hari Bansh Jha, a visiting fellow at ORF and former professor of economics at Nepal’s Tribhuvan University, highlighted Nepal’s problems at the Raisina Debates last year. He said: “The Nepalese youth, including women, are fleeing from the country in the same way bees sometimes have to leave their hives when they feel insecure. Over a million young people are fleeing each year in search of job opportunities abroad. Many are forced to work in dangerous conditions. Recently, of the 200 Nepali youths who joined the Russian army as mercenaries against government policy, 7 were killed and about 100 are feared missing or injured in their fight with Ukrainian forces.”

The protests in Nepal share several similarities with those in Bangladesh, which led to the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government in August 2024, and those in Sri Lanka that brought down the Rajapaksas.

Sasanka Perera, formerly Professor of Sociology and Dean of Social Science at South Asian University, New Delhi, and now Chairman of the Colombo Institute for Human Sciences, tells Open that while corruption, nepotism, and economic distress were major issues in all these protests, in Sri Lanka they were highly organised and peaceful from the beginning, with the government taking care not to provoke youths further with aggression. “In Nepal, the government goofed up big time,” he points out, adding, “the government failed to keep track of even its own track record.”

Although the World Bank has been optimistic about its efforts to improve the lives of Nepal’s youth, it warned in a recent report that “external risks, such as geopolitical uncertainties and rising trade restrictions, could push commodity prices higher. Nepal’s growth model is heavily reliant on remittances and tourism, so a slowdown in partner countries’ growth could result in a decline in both, further hindering economic growth.” It also added: “Domestically, further deterioration in financial sector asset quality could tighten private sector credit, while frequent bureaucratic reshuffles could undermine policy consistency. Additionally, Nepal’s continued presence on the FATF Grey List presents a substantial risk to the economy. Another significant domestic risk is the prolonged delay in implementing critical capital expenditure reforms, which could hinder infrastructure development, reduce economic efficiency, and limit long-term growth potential.” The Financial Action Task Force (FATF), an intergovernmental body, places countries on such lists for failures in combating money laundering and terrorist financing.

At least two of the Gen Z campaign volunteers that Open spoke to argue that they resent the international media portraying the protests as against the social media ban. “It is primarily against corruption and years of exploitation,” one of them states. Interestingly, several who were part of the Gen Z campaign now believe things may have gone totally out of control, says another person vocal on social media against “Nepo babies.” He tells Open, “Nobody can exonerate the political parties for what they have done. The campaign was seeking a democratic outcome and sanity in the country, not a return to any form of authoritarian rule.”

He adds, “We are still very angry. But, as of now, we are scared and confused, too.”

corruptionGenZlaw and orderNepalpolitical leadersyouth