An Inevitable Exit

On July 22, a day after former Vice President Jagdeep Dhankhar’s late evening announcement that he had resigned on health grounds set Delhi’s political grapevine on fire, a knot of MPs stood chatting in the foyer near the Makar Dwar used by members to enter the new Parliament. The gathering was unplanned, with Nagaur MP Hanuman Beniwal hailing passing Bharatiya Janata Party MPs, asking why the party was “belittling” Jats. His manner was not particularly serious even as the responses were guarded. Not much later, former Haryana chief minister Bhupinder Singh Hooda and son Deepinder, MP from Rohtak, joined the informal chatter.

Apart some mutual ribbing and a few takes on the turn of events that saw Dhankhar, a veteran socialist before he joined BJP in 2003, quit in dramatic fashion on the first day of the monsoon session of Parliament, there was not much sympathy on offer. The clutch of MPs, many of them Jats from Haryana, Rajasthan and Uttar Pradesh, was animated more by the likely reasons for Dhankhar’s fall from grace. Through the day as MPs and visitors milled around Parliament, parts of the puzzle fell in place and a tale of a corrosive sense of hurt and a bristling ego emerged. It would not be the first time that real and imagined insults and a litany of sedulously nurtured grievances have led to a stormy exit and Dhankhar’s rise and fall is both a cautionary tale and a morality play that lays bare human frailties.

On July 19, two days before he quit, Dhankhar used an address to officer trainees of the Indian Defence Services Estates, to launch a tirade against Donald Trump though he did not name the United States President, for the leader’s remarks on his role in resolving the recent India-Pakistan hostilities. “Don’t be guided by narratives outside…There is no power on the planet to dictate India how to handle its affairs…Is it required to play every bad ball? Is it required to have wrestling sessions as to who said what? One who scores good runs on the cricket pitch always leaves bad balls. They are tempting, but not attempted. And those who attempt, you have safe gloves of the wicket keeper and someone in the gully,” Dhankhar said. Apart from the setting – an address to incoming government trainees – wading into sensitive diplomatic matters was puzzling. Parliament officials pointed out that not only was the subject best left to the ministry of external affairs, the remarks came at a time when India and US are engaged in delicate negotiations over a bilateral trade treaty. But the incident was not an aberration and Dhankhar often used addresses to trainees and even Parliament interns to hold forth on a range of views including frequently criticising the judiciary for its alleged lack of transparency.

According to political sources, Dhankhar had begun to increasingly and indiscreetly voice his dissatisfaction with the BJP leadership, grumbling he was not being accorded due regard and importance. His alleged comments about the BJP brass behaving like a “know all” were tell-tale signs of a hurt ego. Dhankhar’s attenuated tenure – he was due to retire only in August, 2027 — was marked by a prickly awareness of the privileges of office. He exercised close control over appointments in the Rajya Sabha secretariat and is learnt to be given to intrusive inspections of offices. There was quibbling over quality of food and materials used in the Vice President’s enclave. There were murmurs of lack of due process in appointment of parliamentary interns. The former Vice-President was reportedly unhappy over protocol issues during foreign visits where he expected parities that were not in keeping with diplomatic norms. He was understood to have been unhappy over not being in the picture during the visit of United States Vice President J D Vance, oblivious to the fact that his post was not at par with the visitor. It is a measure of his impatience and falling out with the government that he rushed to Rashtrapati Bhawan on Monday evening to hand over his resignation to President Droupadi Murmu, taking the Presidential establishment by surprise. It was inevitable, said an MP, that Dhankhar’s gripes and criticisms reached the BJP brass. There are suggestions that Dhankhar received a prod to quit and was told he had crossed a red line. Though he may have overstated the case, Dhankhar’s criticism of the judiciary over verdicts such as setting time limits on presidential approval for state bills is not without merit.  But his annoyance over presumed slights seems to have got the better of him. His falling out with the government is replete with contradictions given that the alacrity with which he accepted a notice from an Opposition that lampooned him for being partisan indicated a sudden convergence if not complicity.

After his stint as West Bengal governor, marked by almost daily skirmishes with chief minister Mamata Banerjee, Dhankhar’s elevation as Vice President in August, 2022, was evidence of how he had risen in the esteem of the BJP leadership. His criticism of Trinamool Congress and ability to remain unfazed by counter-attacks would be handy in conducting Rajya Sabha proceedings that require a thick skin and strong nerves. Though BJP and its allies had gained numbers in the upper House and were no longer vulnerable to an Opposition veto, managing the chamber required patience and a preparedness to take on assertive opponents. Dhankhar’s farmer background, referred to by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s welcome speech in Rajya Sabha, was an important consideration in the wake of a long-running farm agitation. His Jat roots were a plus, given the community’s on-off relations with BJP. At time of Dhankhar’s election, BJP had more than 300 MPs in Lok Sabha on its own. The margins were narrower in Rajya Sabha and the chairperson needed to be conversant with the rules to deal with former ministers and legal stalwarts in the Opposition.

To start with, Dhankhar’s ability to join issue with Opposition leaders seeking to put the chair on the defensive seemed to work well. In December, 2022, he retorted sharply to Congress leader Sonia Gandhi’s observation that the government and a “high constitutional authority” were engaged in de-legitimising the judiciary. “The statement is far distanced from my reflections. Delegitimising the judiciary is beyond my contemplation,” he said. On more than one occasion, he crossed swords with leader of Opposition Mallikarjun Kharge who was more used to the milder Sumitra Mahajan as chair in Lok Sabha. He threatened to suspend Trinamool’s Derek O’Brien, who he accused of “theatrics” and for allegedly misusing a provision in the rules to speak on the Delhi services Bill.  A seemingly light hearted tussle with Samajwadi Party MP Jaya Bachchan over her official name went out hand when the former actor said she “understood” body language found Dhankhar’s tone unacceptable. Dhankhar reprimanded her for lacking an understanding of decorum, saying “You may be anybody…but you need to understand decorum.” Outside Parliament, Dhankhar was often in the news for criticising the judiciary over a lack of transparency in appointments. In recent weeks he strongly disapproved the Supreme Court opting for an in-house committee instead of initiating a police investigation in the matter regarding cash bundles recovered from the residence of Justice Yashwant Verma of the Delhi high court.

But while Dhankhar was viewed as an “attack dog” acting on behalf of the government, there was unease over his repeated criticism of the judiciary. Differences over appointments and even verdicts are a constant in government-judiciary ties but it was felt Dhankhar was overdoing things. Similarly, his conduct of Rajya Sabha became more insistent and overbearing as his frequent clashes with Opposition leaders sharpened divisions in a polarised House. Tact and discretion were absent, with an MP pointing out that it pays to have a few friends across the aisle. In December, 2024, the INDIA bloc submitted a motion of no-confidence against Dhankhar over that they called his excessive partisanship. While the opposition regularly accuses the government of high-handedness, incessant disruptions – in good measure fuelled by one-upmanship within the INDIA bloc – are a reason why Parliament appears dysfunctional. The motion was criticised by BJP that said Dhankhar was being attacked for his humble farmer origins. Yet, a little more than six months later, relations between Dhankhar and BJP had soured beyond repair.

“The trouble starts,” said a BJP MP, “when people start believing they are indispensable and acquire an inflated sense of self-esteem, forgetting all the stalwarts who preceded them.” Ironically for Dhankhar, it was another removal motion, relating to Justice Verma, that proved the final straw. With his ties with the BJP already fraying, Dhankar on July 21, admitted a motion signed exclusively by opposition MPs for Justice Verma’s removal, without any consultation with the government. Later, government managers said the notice was submitted but not admitted due to procedural flaws. Though the chair has the power to accept a notice, a matter of such import usually involves informal communication and Dhankhar was well aware of government’s intent to first move the motion in Lok Sabha. Consequently, BJP president and leader of the House in Rajya Sabha J P Nadda and parliamentary affairs minister Kiren Rijuju did not attend a meeting of the Rajya Sabha business advisory committee convened at 4.30 pm. A group of media persons caught up with Nadda the next day in a Parliament corridor not far from home minister Amit Shah’s office and asked him about the allegation that BJP leaders deliberately absented themselves. “We had informed the Vice President’s office that we will not be attending. But BJP was represented,” Nadda said. On the Opposition motion, Nadda said BJP and NDA members were not approached for their signature. A motion was indeed signed by NDA MPs summoned in a hurry to defence minister Rajnath Singh’s room after Dhankhar accepted the Opposition-sponsored move. Nadda made it clear that the motion for Justice Verma’s removal will be moved in Lok Sabha and a three-member committee that will first examine the SC inquiry report will include a member from the upper House.

Hailing from a Jat family in Rajasthan’s Jhunjhunu, Dhankhar was a lawyer practising in Jaipur when he plunged into the anti-Congress mobilisation in 1987 when the Rajiv Gandhi government became enmeshed in corruption allegations over the Bofors howitzer deal. The story goes that he caught the attention of Jat stalwart Devi Lal who trounced Congress in the 1987 Haryana assembly election. The Haryana election results rung alarm bells in Congress as they were seen as a bell weather verdict. Dhankhar’s critics have a less flattering version of how his association with Devi Lal came about and while accounts remain contested, the lawyer from Jhunjhunu got a vital break when he was fielded from the Jhunjhunu Lok Sabha seat on a Janata Dal ticket in 1989. Dhankhar won on the back of a Janata wave that swept much of the country as the Bofors corruption case took a severe toll of Congress. His electoral fortunes thereafter were decidedly mixed as he lost on a Congress in 1991 from Ajmer and failed to return to Lok Sabha in 1998 as well. He had better luck in the Rajasthan assembly where he was MLA from 1993-98 on a Congress ticket. He drifted from political limelight till he joined BJP five years later. It seemed like a good decision as BJP, which has often provided opportunities to lateral entrants, gave him a party position in Rajasthan before BJP appointed him to the West Bengal Raj Bhawan.

Dhankhar’s letter of resignation begins by stating his desire to prioritise health care and abide by medical advice, but the circumstances leading to his decision raises the distinct possibility that he is may not choose to go quietly. In a December, 2024, video now being widely circulated, Dhankhar is seen being sharply critical of the government’s farm policies and the continuing farm stir in the presence of agriculture minister Shivraj Chauhan. He has also reportedly expressed the view that Jats have received a raw deal in BJP. His resignation serves to recall the somewhat similar disgruntlement of former Jammu and Kashmir governor Satyapal Malik. After strongly defending the abrogation of Article 370 which he said gave the people of Kashnir a false sense of empowerment, Malik became a trenchant critic of BJP and campaigned against the party in the 2022 assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh where he failed to make any impact. He was governor of Goa and Meghalaya after being moved out of J&K. Like Dhankhar, he was floundering, having won his only Lok Sabha election in 1989, before he joined BJP in 2004. It is possible Dhankhar may seek to rake up the Jat community’s sense of discontent and present himself as a farm leader just as Malik did. This may not yield anticipated results in the absence of a party platform or local influence. A Congress functionary said the former Vice President is not an issue for the party, indicating the party saw no benefit in associating with Dhankhar beyond posing questions on his exit. The embarrassment of Dhankhar’s resignation and the implied conclusion that the BJP leadership seriously erred in its choice apart, it is hard to see how the resignation could influence any political variable.

The Haryana results rang alarm bells in Congress as they were seen as a bell­wether verdict. Dhankhar’s critics have a less flattering version of how his associa­tion with Devi Lal came about and while accounts remain contested, the lawyer from Jhunjhunu got a vital break when he was fielded from the Jhunjhunu Lok Sabha seat on a Janata Dal ticket in 1989. Dhankhar won on the back of a Janata wave that swept much of the country as the Bofors corruption case took a severe toll on Congress. His electoral fortunes thereafter were decidedly mixed as he lost on a Congress ticket in 1991 from Ajmer and failed to return to Lok Sabha in 1998 as well. He had better luck in the Rajasthan Assembly where he was MLA from 1993-98 on a Congress ticket. He drifted from the political limelight until he joined BJP five years later. It seemed like a good decision as BJP, which has often provided opportunities to lateral entrants, gave him a party position in Rajasthan before appointing him to the West Bengal Raj Bhavan.

DHANKHAR’S LETTER OF resignation begins by stating his desire to prioritise healthcare and abide by medical advice, but the circumstances leading to his decision raise the distinct possibility that he may not choose to go quietly. In a December 2024 video now being widely circulated, Dhankhar is seen being sharply critical of the govern­ment’s farm policies and the continuing farmers’ stir in the presence of Agriculture Minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan. He has also report­edly expressed the view that Jats have received a raw deal in BJP. His resignation serves to recall the somewhat similar disgruntle­ment of former Jammu & Kashmir Governor Satya Pal Malik. Af­ter strongly defending the abrogation of Article 370, which he said gave the people of Kashmir a false sense of empowerment, Malik became a trenchant critic of BJP and campaigned against the party in the 2022 Assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh where he failed to make an impact. He was governor of Goa and Meghalaya after being moved out of J&K. Like Dhankhar, Malik was floundering, having won his only Lok Sabha election in 1989 before he joined BJP in 2004. It is possible that Dhankhar may seek to rake up the Jat community’s sense of discontent and present himself as a farm leader just as Malik did. This may not yield the anticipated results in the absence of a party platform or local influence. A Congress func­tionary said the outgoing vice president is not an issue for the party, indicating Congress saw no benefit in associating with Dhankhar beyond posing questions about his exit. The embarrassment of Dhankhar’s resignation and the implied conclusion that the BJP leadership seriously erred in its choice apart, it is hard to see how the resignation could influence any political variable.

In the winter session of Parliament in 2022, Prime Minister Narendra Modi welcomed Dhankhar’s elevation as Vice President with effusive words in Rajya Sabha. “I congratulate Chairman on behalf of this House as well as the nation. You’ve reached this stage while going ahead in life amid struggles, it’s an inspiration for several people in the country…Our vice president is a kisan putra and studied in a Sainik School. He is closely associated with both jawans and kisans,” the Prime Minister said. A part of the calculation behind the choice was clearly a bid to project BJP as a pro-farmer party while also signalling to the Jat community. It is uncertain just how much the move worked just as the fallout of Dhankhar’s departure is debateable. The consensus among BJP MPs is that while the party’s efforts to re-build bridges with the Jat community remains work in progress, Dhankhar’s exit is not going to make a material difference either way. A senior MP from Rajasthan said Dhankhar has become persona non grata. “I very much doubt whether anyone (from BJP) will even visit him,” he said. A day after Dhankhar quit, the Prime Minister’s message on X was brief and terse. “Shri Jagdeep Dhankhar Ji has got many opportunities to serve our country in various capacities, including as the Vice President of India. Wishing him good health,” Modi said. It was evident that the Dhankar chapter was closed for BJP. The official webpage of the Vice President states that there is a vacancy since July 22, 2025. The Election Commission has begun the process of electing his replacement. If he does move from the Vice President’s residence to the Lutyen’s bungalow offered to him, Dhankhar will have time to mull over his tumultuous stint in office and its denouement. A path ahead may elude him.

(Note: The cover story was updated on July 26, 2025 at 11.20 AM)

Bofors scandalCongress-BJPDevi LalJagdeep DhankharjudiciaryRajiv GandhiRajya SabhaVice president