Waqf JPC Works Below the Radar

The noisy optics around the joint parliamentary committee (JPC) on the Waqf Bill has created the impression of continuous confrontations between the Opposition and the BJP members on the panel. This is further accentuated by members of I.N.D.I.A. on the committee protesting outside, often on Parliament premises, and petitioning the presiding officers of the two Houses about alleged irregularities. But for all the shouting and gesticulation, most Opposition members have keenly participated in the committee’s proceedings even as they have objected to invitations extended to certain individuals and groups to present evidence. They have, according to committee sources, asked pertinent questions and sought relevant information, making the proceedings productive. There is predictability about how the committee’s tenure will end. All I.N.D.I.A. members are likely to submit letters disagreeing with the committee’s final conclusions. This is routine play in sync with the polarised politics between the Opposition and BJP. Yet, the discussions are likely to result in changes and additions that can be expected to enhance the legislation intended to reform the 1995 Waqf Act to improve the functioning and oversight of state Waqf boards often accused of arbitrary functioning and seen to be vulnerable to misuse. The status of almost half of registered Waqf properties is unknown and the Bill aims to make the determination of government properties a matter to be decided by the collector. The polarisation on the issue—many Muslim organisations have opposed the Bill—makes it almost mandatory for anti-BJP parties dependent on minority votes to oppose the legislation tooth and nail. But the process of assimilation inherent in the committee’s working can create some space of reconciliation and increase the government’s elbow room in Parliament.

Rajnath the Diplomat

India’s diplomacy is led by the Prime Minister’s Office and the Ministry of External Affairs. But the defence ministry has emerged as an effective political and strategic communicator under senior BJP leader Rajnath Singh. The experienced minister, who had undertaken several political assignments, had an hour-long meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on December 10. The meeting’s significance is no doubt rooted in the strategic context of India-Russia relations and the equation Prime Minister Narendra Modi shares with Putin, but the duration of the meeting at Kremlin was rare. Hardly has any foreign dignitary been accorded so much time by Putin. For his part, Singh emphasised the durability of India-Russia relations and, as he has done in the past, subtly put across the case for Russia limiting its ties with China. In other meetings with Russian delegations, Singh has pointed out that the historical evidence of the Middle Kingdom’s interactions with other powers suggests that it can be unreliable and self-centred. Indian leaders are well aware that Russia has its own record of dealing with a succession of Chinese leaders to draw on and knows the inherently expansionist role Beijing seeks to play, considering itself as the dominant anti-US force in ideological and military terms. This script has, however, not played out as China might have wanted, opening the doors of for its associates to reassess their relations with the communist giant.

Settling Portfolios

The reported delay in former Maharashtra Chief Minister Eknath Shinde accepting the post of deputy chief minister led to commentary on how the Shiv Sena leader was making partner BJP wait. If, as suggested by some reports, the idea was to get BJP to hand over the home portfolio to Sena, the tactic did not work. BJP was firm that Sena agree to Shinde’s swearing-in as deputy chief minister along with NCP leader Ajit Pawar and delink any negotiation on portfolios. The BJP leadership did not want further delays, with the chief minister being sworn in after winning a massive mandate, and was aware that settling portfolios would be a more time-consuming process. The party is also clear that the home portfolio, which oversees the police and law and order, must remain with Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis. The argument that Fadnavis held the charge as deputy chief minister does not cut ice with BJP functionaries who point out that the situations are not comparable. Fadnavis agreed to be deputy chief minister despite BJP having more MLAs than the breakaway Sena under Shinde. Sena can always be compensated with other portfolios, BJP leaders feel, as they point to the need to make the saffron revolution in the state more “permanent” through effective governance.

Guessing Delhi Pollution

The foul air over Delhi-NCR has improved just a bit, but will likely remain a cause for concern through the winter. With stubble-burning season over, the year-round factor in pollution has resurfaced with a vengeance. Dust caused by construction and traffic is all-pervasive and smothers every available surface with a thick layer. Plastics and urban waste add to the mud and dirt and create a particularly toxic blanket over the region. The last source-apportion study of Delhi’s pollution was carried out by IIT Kanpur several years ago. Two subsequent studies remain incomplete with the AAP government in Delhi embroiled in political showdowns with BJP and the lieutenant governor, leaving it with little time for governance matters, even those part of its administrative mandate. The arrest of AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal when he was chief minister earlier this year brought decision-making to a halt as he did not appoint a replacement, nor were any standing instructions issued to the chief secretary. Delhi’s fight against pollution lacks the necessary updated information and is largely dependent on the Decision Support System of the Ministry of Earth Sciences, which has its limitations and its assessments come with the caveat that the region and source-wise contributions are based on an emissions inventory formulated in 2021 and more accurate estimates need latest emission fields.

Shaktikanta’s Record

Shaktikanta Das ended his six-year tenure at the Reserve Bank of India on a high note, receiving encomiums from most commentators. He had taken charge at a time when the central bank’s functioning had been adversely impacted, first by Raghuram Rajan, who fancied himself as a public intellectual offering a running commentary on the Modi government’s policies, and then by the reticent and reclusive Urjit Patel, who rarely spoke in public but proved to be stubborn in his interactions with the government. Das’ stewardship was marked by the need to establish a working relationship with the government and steering the country’s monetary system through the unprecedented challenge of Covid. He was economics affairs secretary when the government announced demonetisation in November 2016 and met the media on a daily basis to explain the rationale behind the note ban and ongoing remonetisation. This was no easy task, but his patience and resourcefulness caught the prime minister’s eye and he felt Das had handled the assignment well.

About The Author

Open