The War During Passover

ON THE EVENING of April 13, I was preparing to board the Air India flight from Tel Aviv to New Delhi. There was a slight delay, and the hum of activity in the wait­ing area near the gate suggested that something was amiss. Backpackers, fresh from their Reserve Army service, eagerly awaited their Indian getaway. Indian caregivers and students anx­iously anticipated their return home. Around 10PM, news broke that Jordan had closed its airspace. An hour later, another bulletin reported an attack of missiles and drones from Iran to Israel. Panic began to grip. The boarding still had not started. Airport authorities announced the closure of the Israeli airspace at 12:30AM. It became appar­ent that the flight needed to depart immediately. Eventually, the airline opted to postpone the flight, unwilling to take the gamble of flying amidst the impending threat of over 300 missiles and drones armed with explosives looming over the Israeli skies.

I rushed back home, hoping that the sirens would not catch me on the road. I am accustomed to being on the road when the sirens blare. I am used to getting out of the car and lying down with my hands on my head. This time, we didn’t know what to expect. We are accustomed to rockets from Gaza, but ballistic missiles and drone swarms from Iran are a different story—scarier, more unpredictable. Over 60 tonnes of explosives made their way to Israel. The Israeli news channel summoned all its ‘cannons’ to the studio. It felt like déjà vu, reminiscent of the 1991 Gulf War when scud missiles were launched from Iraq to Israel. The IDF spokesperson during the Gulf War, Nachman Shai, was then named ‘The National Tranquilizer’ for his calm demeanour, suggesting people drink water and relax. Suddenly, 33 years later, Shai reappeared on the screen, comparing the current situation to the Gulf War. Around 4AM, when I realised that my village was of no interest to the Iranians, I planned to go to sleep—but it didn’t happen. The sky above my house resembled a scene from the movie Top Gun. I live near an air force base, and the F-16 fighter jets took off one after the other, loaded with explosives, their whistles shaking the walls. Over the past six months, since October 7, I’ve become an expert on airplanes—whether they’re loaded with explosives, heading north or south, whether those are UAVs, or choppers carrying wounded soldiers from the Gaza battlefield. On the night of April 13, my bedroom felt like a battlefield.

The morning after was filled with a feeling of euphoria and vic­tory. It was a victory not just because 99 per cent of the missiles and drones were intercepted, but also because the allies of Israel stood by our side. After six months, we found ourselves victims once again. The world always loves an underdog, just as it supported Israel briefly after the massacre on October 7. However, when Israel retaliated and began fight­ing Hamas, the tone changed. We were no longer seen as victims; we became the aggressors. “Genocide,” South Africa shouted in the Hague court.

The headlines dubbed the night of the attack a “Historic Night”, a “night in which the equations changed”. Finally, Iran showed its true colours to the world and didn’t hide behind its proxies in Gaza, Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen. Since October 7, Israel has blamed Iran for being the force behind the attacks from the north and south. They trained Hamas, Hezbollah and the Houthis, and provided them with ammunition and funds, but never directly attacked Israel.

The trigger for this current Iranian hostility was the Israeli attack (not confirmed by Israel) at the end of March on an Iranian building in Syria, in which an Iranian Quds Force officer was killed. The Quds Force is one of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, and the per­son killed was engaged in terror attacks through Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Many people have asked me why Iran is hostile to Israel. There is no border between the two countries, and ostensibly, there should be no conflict. In fact, before 1979, Israel and Iran maintained robust diplomatic and business relations. However, with the rise of Ayatollah Khomeini and the establishment of the Islamic Republic, everything changed. Iran aspires to be a regional power, and to rally Arab nations around a common cause, they needed a shared enemy—the state of Israel. Israel, the lone democratic nation in the region, challenges extreme Islamist ideologies with its liberal ideas, technological ad­vancements, transformation of a desert into an oasis, and close ties with another major adversary, the US.

Within the Israeli war cabinet, delib­erations weigh whether Israel should retaliate or exercise restraint. While the attack caused minimal harm, such a massive assault cannot be left unanswered as it might signal weak­ness to Iran. The question arises: should revenge match the scale of the attack or its impact, which was minimal? World leaders advocate for restraint, consider­ing that any Israeli retaliation could escalate into a regional confrontation. Benjamin Netanyahu’s far-right allies in the government are pushing for a severe response, while Joe Biden, amid an election year, seeks to avoid further tensions. Netanyahu, reliant on the US and allied support, faces a dilemma between internal stability and external backing, crucial at those times. The interception operation was a joint effort of Israel and its allies, including the US, the UK, Jordan, and discreet support from the UAE, Saudi Arabia, and Bahrain, all forming the Middle East Air Defense (MEAD) front.

Videos captured during the night of the attack, particularly one from Jerusa­lem, reveal missiles passing above the Dome of the Rock and Al-Aqsa Mosque, the third holiest site in Islam after Mecca and Medina. Iran’s disregard for this sacred place contrasts with Israel’s interception efforts to prevent any damage to this holy site.

Jews all over the world will celebrate the holiday of Passover on April 22. For Jews, this is the most important family gathering throughout the year, and is like Diwali. Passover commemorates the biblical Exodus, symbolising the liberation of Jews from slavery in Egypt and their journey to becoming a free na­tion in their homeland, Israel. However, this year, numerous families have cho­sen not to observe the holiday. Currently, Israel has 133 hostages held by Hamas, including two children, and Hamas has refused the proposed truce and release of the hostages. The families of the hostages voice their anguish, declaring, “How can we celebrate the holiday of freedom while our loved ones remain captive?” Although the recent Iran attack briefly diverted public attention, the families’ protest against the govern­ment’s inaction will soon resume. They contend that the government has not prioritised efforts to release the hostages, accusing Netanyahu of pri­oritising his political survival over their loved ones’ welfare. Failure to release the hostages risks the eroding trust be­tween the government and the people, violating an unwritten pact essential to the foundations of Israel.

About The Author

Anat Bernstein-Reich

Anat Bernstein-Reich is chairperson of the Israel-Asia Chamber of Commerce, a Friend of India Awardee for 2020, and CEO of BDO Israel-India Investment Banking firm

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